TY  - JOUR
AU  - Gruenfelder, Anna Maria
PY  - 2024
UR  - https://www.jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/2778
AB  - „Jedino što je potrebno za trijumf zla je da dobri ljudi ne reagiraju. Najveća pogreška je ne činiti ništa.” Zaključak što ga je britanski parlamentarac i filozof konzervativizma Edmund Burke (1729-1797) izvukao iz iskustva s terorom tijekom Francuske Revolucije, ni danas nije izgubio važnost: miroljubivi duhovi, koji duboko preziru oružje, a vjeruju u svemoć diplomacije, zagovaraju nenasilje i omogućavaju zlu da trijumfira. Korektni, pametni, i plemeniti suvremenici ne žele žrtvovati svoju „aureolu“ korektnosti i zaziru od svake intervencije kad bi nalikovala na „nasilje“. U burnim razdobljima povijesti treba žrtvovati svoj imidž i riskirati gubitak glasa svetosti. To je spoznao i Edward Burns. Svjesna da se mi na pragu ove nove godine nalazimo pred zadatkom sučeljavati se sa nasiljem i zlim silama, zapitala sam se je li realno zlo - tiranin, represivni sustav – stvarno u stanju kvariti ljude nad kojima zlo vlada. Utječu li nepravde i represije na ljudski karakter i pretvaraju li bezazlena „malenog čovjeka“ u zlikovca? Što može biti toliko moćno da inače pravedan čovjek ne vidi pred sobom drugačije rješenje nego „zaurlati s vukovima“?
AB  - „The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing. Nobody made a greater mistake than he who did nothing.” The conclusion that the British parliamentarian and philosopher of conservatism Edmund Burke (1729-1797) drew from his experience with terror during the French Revolution has not lost its relevance even today: pacifists, who deeply despise weapons and believe in the omnipotence of diplomacy, advocate non-violence and enable evil to triumph. Righteous, smart, and noble contemporaries do not want to sacrifice their “halo” of righteousness and shy away from any intervention if it resembles “violence”. In stormy periods of history, one must sacrifice one’s image and risk losing one’s voice of sanctity. Edward Burns also realized this. Aware that on the threshold of this new year, we are faced with the task of confronting violence and evil forces, I asked myself whether real evil – a tyrant, a repressive system – is capable of corrupting people. Do injustices and repressions affect human character and do they turn the innocent “little man” into a villain? What can be so powerful that an otherwise righteous man sees no other solution than “howling with the wolves”?
PB  - Zagreb : BB loža "Gavro Schwartz"
T2  - Glasnik B'nai B'rith "Gavro Schwartz" Hrvatska
T1  - Otpor totalitarnome režimu - ima li smisla? Osamdeseta godišnjica Operacije Valkyrie
T1  - Resistance to totalitarianism: can it make a difference? 80 years since Operation Valkyrie
SP  - 19
EP  - 26
IS  - 34
VL  - 9
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2778
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Gruenfelder, Anna Maria",
year = "2024",
abstract = "„Jedino što je potrebno za trijumf zla je da dobri ljudi ne reagiraju. Najveća pogreška je ne činiti ništa.” Zaključak što ga je britanski parlamentarac i filozof konzervativizma Edmund Burke (1729-1797) izvukao iz iskustva s terorom tijekom Francuske Revolucije, ni danas nije izgubio važnost: miroljubivi duhovi, koji duboko preziru oružje, a vjeruju u svemoć diplomacije, zagovaraju nenasilje i omogućavaju zlu da trijumfira. Korektni, pametni, i plemeniti suvremenici ne žele žrtvovati svoju „aureolu“ korektnosti i zaziru od svake intervencije kad bi nalikovala na „nasilje“. U burnim razdobljima povijesti treba žrtvovati svoj imidž i riskirati gubitak glasa svetosti. To je spoznao i Edward Burns. Svjesna da se mi na pragu ove nove godine nalazimo pred zadatkom sučeljavati se sa nasiljem i zlim silama, zapitala sam se je li realno zlo - tiranin, represivni sustav – stvarno u stanju kvariti ljude nad kojima zlo vlada. Utječu li nepravde i represije na ljudski karakter i pretvaraju li bezazlena „malenog čovjeka“ u zlikovca? Što može biti toliko moćno da inače pravedan čovjek ne vidi pred sobom drugačije rješenje nego „zaurlati s vukovima“?, „The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing. Nobody made a greater mistake than he who did nothing.” The conclusion that the British parliamentarian and philosopher of conservatism Edmund Burke (1729-1797) drew from his experience with terror during the French Revolution has not lost its relevance even today: pacifists, who deeply despise weapons and believe in the omnipotence of diplomacy, advocate non-violence and enable evil to triumph. Righteous, smart, and noble contemporaries do not want to sacrifice their “halo” of righteousness and shy away from any intervention if it resembles “violence”. In stormy periods of history, one must sacrifice one’s image and risk losing one’s voice of sanctity. Edward Burns also realized this. Aware that on the threshold of this new year, we are faced with the task of confronting violence and evil forces, I asked myself whether real evil – a tyrant, a repressive system – is capable of corrupting people. Do injustices and repressions affect human character and do they turn the innocent “little man” into a villain? What can be so powerful that an otherwise righteous man sees no other solution than “howling with the wolves”?",
publisher = "Zagreb : BB loža "Gavro Schwartz"",
journal = "Glasnik B'nai B'rith "Gavro Schwartz" Hrvatska",
title = "Otpor totalitarnome režimu - ima li smisla? Osamdeseta godišnjica Operacije Valkyrie, Resistance to totalitarianism: can it make a difference? 80 years since Operation Valkyrie",
pages = "19-26",
number = "34",
volume = "9",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2778"
}

Gruenfelder, A. M.. (2024). Otpor totalitarnome režimu - ima li smisla? Osamdeseta godišnjica Operacije Valkyrie. in Glasnik B'nai B'rith "Gavro Schwartz" Hrvatska
Zagreb : BB loža "Gavro Schwartz"., 9(34), 19-26.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2778

Gruenfelder AM. Otpor totalitarnome režimu - ima li smisla? Osamdeseta godišnjica Operacije Valkyrie. in Glasnik B'nai B'rith "Gavro Schwartz" Hrvatska. 2024;9(34):19-26.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2778 .

Gruenfelder, Anna Maria, "Otpor totalitarnome režimu - ima li smisla? Osamdeseta godišnjica Operacije Valkyrie" in Glasnik B'nai B'rith "Gavro Schwartz" Hrvatska, 9, no. 34 (2024):19-26,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2778 .

TY  - UNPB
AU  - Grinfelder, Ana Marija
PY  - 2023
UR  - https://www.jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/2650
AB  - Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, koju su osnovali Hrvatski revolucionarni pokret “Ustaše” (uz potporu i odobrenje sila Osovine), nastala je bez pitanja svojih građana za njihov pristanak. Građani su ga komentirali na različite načine: pozdravljajući ga, pasivno čekajući, ali i aktivno izražavajući svoje protivljenje. Aktivan, oružani otpor bio je opcija isprva malog kruga koji je morao biti dovoljno hrabar da se suoči s dobro opremljenom vojskom i brutalnom podaničkom politikom ustaša pod okriljem nacionalsocijalističke vlasti. Građani su se pokoravali okupatorima i svojim hrvatskim suradnicima - uostalom, ako su htjeli osigurati egzistenciju, morali su preživjeti. Ali bilo je i sugrađana koji su u ovom režimu “vidjeli svoje šanse”, radili zajedno, stvarali karijere na tuđim leđima, ponudili se i prihvatili rizik da budu prokazani, “proglašeni” provokatorima i klevetama svojih bližnjih. Morali su znati da svoje "doušnike" izlažu opasnosti po život i tijelo. Takve službe bile su prezrene od pamtivijeka, kako je njemački pjesnik August Heinrich Graf von Fallersleben sažeo u 19. stoljeću: “Najveći zlikovac u cijeloj zemlji jest i ostaje doušnik.” Drugi su građani, međutim, vidjeli progonjene i njihove patnje - pomagali su ugroženima upozoriti, sakriti, dovesti na sigurno - i intervenirati kod vlasti u korist ugroženih (trenutno 130 hrvatskih “Pravednika među narodima”!). Ustrojstvo Nezavisne Države Hrvatske već je temeljito ispitano i kronološki i funkcionalno. U svim studijama o nastanku ustaške države, ljudi su prvenstveno viđeni kao zločinci: Da bi se razumjeli njihovi motivi, već se može osloniti na studije o funkcioniranju nacionalsocijalizma u Njemačkoj i zemljama koje su Nijemci okupirali: Glavni državni odvjetnik Fritz Bauer, i sam od režima progonjen i prisiljen emigrirati, proučavao je aktere režima, "male sljedbenike" i smjestio ih u 200 godina staru prusku tradiciju - oličenje bezdušne, mehaničke poslušnosti. Etos državne službe u Habsburškoj Monarhiji pokazuje strukturne sličnosti, a one su pak prenesene na upravljanje državama nasljednicama Monarhije.
AB  - Der Unabhängige Staat Kroatien, eine Gründung der Kroatischen Revolutionären Bewegung „Ustascha“ (mit Unterstützung und Billigung der Achsenmächte) entstand, ohne dass seine Bürger um ihre Zustimmung gefragt wurden. Die Bürger haben sich in vielfältiger Weise dazu geäußert: ihn begrüßt, sich abwartend passiv verhalten, aber auch aktiv ihre Gegnerschaft bekundet. Aktiver, bewaffneter Widerstand war die Option eines anfangs kleinen Kreises, der für die Konfrontation mit einem hochgerüsteten Heer und für die brutale Unterwerfungspolitik der Ustascha unter der Ägyde nationalsozialistischer Behörden todesmutig sein musste. Bürger haben sich den Besatzern und ihren kroatischen Kollaborateuren unterworfen - schließlich mussten, wollten sie ihre Existenz sichern, überleben. Aber es gab auch Mitbürger, die in diesem Regime „ihre Chancen sahen“, mitarbeiteten, selbst auf dem Rücken anderer Karriere machten, sich andienten und in Kauf nahmen, zu denunzieren, als Provokateuere „auszuhorchen“ und Verleumdungen von Mitmenschen den Nachrichtendiensten zuzutragen. Sie mussten wissen, dass sie ihre „Informanten“ an Leib und Leben gefährdeten. Solche Dienste waren seit Menschengedenken verachtet, wie im 19.Jahrhundert der deutsche Dichter August Heinrich Graf von Fallersleben summierte: „Der größte Schuft im ganzen Land ist und bleibt der Denunziant“.Andere Mitbürger aber sahen die Verfolgten und ihre Leiden - sie halfen Gefährdete zu warnen, zu verstecken, in Sicherheit zu bringen - und bei den Behörden zugunsten Gefährdeter zu intervenierten (dzt. 130 kroatische „Gerechte unter den Völkern“!). Der Aufbau des Unabhängigen Staates Kroatien wurde sowohl chronologisch als auch funktional schon gründlich untersucht . In allen Studien zur Entstehung des Ustaschastaates kamen die Menschen vor allem als Täter in den Blick:  Um deren Motive zu verstehen kann man bereits auf Untersuchungen zum Funktionieren des Nationalsozialismus  in Deutschland und den von Deutschen besetzten Ländern zurückgreifen: Der deutsche Generalstaatsanwalt Fritz Bauer, selbst vom Regime verfolgt und zur Emigration gezwungen, studierte die Akteure des Regimes, die „kleinen Mitläufer“ und  verortete sie in der 200 Jahre alten preußischen Tradition – dem Inbegriff von seelenlosem, mechanischen Gehorsam . Das Beamtenethos der Habsburger-Monarchie weist strukturelle Ähnlichkeiten auf, und diese wiederum haben sich auf die Staatsführung in den Nachfolgestaaten der Monarchie übertragen.
AB  - The Independent State of Croatia, founded by the Croatian Revolutionary Movement “Ustasha” (with the support and approval of the Axis powers), came into being without asking its citizens for their consent. Citizens have commented on it in various ways: welcoming it, taking a passive wait-and-see approach, and actively expressing their opposition. Active, armed resistance was the option of an initially small circle that had to be brave enough to face the confrontation with a well-equipped army and the brutal subjugation policy of the Ustaše under the aegis of National Socialist authorities. Citizens submitted to the occupiers and their Croatian collaborators - after all, if they wanted to secure their existence, they had to survive. But there were also fellow citizens who “saw their chances” in this regime, worked together, made careers on the backs of others, offered themselves and accepted the risk of being denounced, being “sounded out” as provocateurs and reporting slander against their fellow human beings to the intelligence services. They had to know that they were risking their “informants” to life and limb. Such services have been despised since immemorial, as the German poet August Heinrich Graf von Fallersleben summed up in the 19th century: “The greatest villain in the entire country is and remains the informer.” Other citizens, however, saw the persecuted and their suffering - they helped those in danger to warn, to hide, to bring them to safety - and to intervene with the authorities on behalf of those at risk (currently 130 Croatian “Righteous Among the Nations”!). The structure of the Independent State of Croatia has already been thoroughly examined both chronologically and functionally. In all studies on the emergence of the Ustasha state, the people were primarily seen as perpetrators: To understand their motives, one can already fall back on studies on the functioning of National Socialism in Germany and the countries occupied by Germans: The German Attorney General Fritz Bauer, himself from regime persecuted and forced to emigrate, studied the regime's actors, the "little followers" and located them in the 200-year-old Prussian tradition - the epitome of soulless, mechanical obedience. The civil service ethos of the Habsburg Monarchy shows structural similarities, and these in turn were transferred to the governance of the monarchy's successor states.
PB  - Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder
T1  - Što čini totalitarna država od čovjeka? Perspektive djelovanja između konformizma i otpora
T1  - Was macht der totalitäre Staat mit den Menschen? Handlungsperspektiven zwischen Konformismus und Widerstand
T1  - What does a totalitarian state make of a man? Action perspectives between conformity and resistance
SP  - 1
EP  - 52
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2650
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Grinfelder, Ana Marija",
year = "2023",
abstract = "Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, koju su osnovali Hrvatski revolucionarni pokret “Ustaše” (uz potporu i odobrenje sila Osovine), nastala je bez pitanja svojih građana za njihov pristanak. Građani su ga komentirali na različite načine: pozdravljajući ga, pasivno čekajući, ali i aktivno izražavajući svoje protivljenje. Aktivan, oružani otpor bio je opcija isprva malog kruga koji je morao biti dovoljno hrabar da se suoči s dobro opremljenom vojskom i brutalnom podaničkom politikom ustaša pod okriljem nacionalsocijalističke vlasti. Građani su se pokoravali okupatorima i svojim hrvatskim suradnicima - uostalom, ako su htjeli osigurati egzistenciju, morali su preživjeti. Ali bilo je i sugrađana koji su u ovom režimu “vidjeli svoje šanse”, radili zajedno, stvarali karijere na tuđim leđima, ponudili se i prihvatili rizik da budu prokazani, “proglašeni” provokatorima i klevetama svojih bližnjih. Morali su znati da svoje "doušnike" izlažu opasnosti po život i tijelo. Takve službe bile su prezrene od pamtivijeka, kako je njemački pjesnik August Heinrich Graf von Fallersleben sažeo u 19. stoljeću: “Najveći zlikovac u cijeloj zemlji jest i ostaje doušnik.” Drugi su građani, međutim, vidjeli progonjene i njihove patnje - pomagali su ugroženima upozoriti, sakriti, dovesti na sigurno - i intervenirati kod vlasti u korist ugroženih (trenutno 130 hrvatskih “Pravednika među narodima”!). Ustrojstvo Nezavisne Države Hrvatske već je temeljito ispitano i kronološki i funkcionalno. U svim studijama o nastanku ustaške države, ljudi su prvenstveno viđeni kao zločinci: Da bi se razumjeli njihovi motivi, već se može osloniti na studije o funkcioniranju nacionalsocijalizma u Njemačkoj i zemljama koje su Nijemci okupirali: Glavni državni odvjetnik Fritz Bauer, i sam od režima progonjen i prisiljen emigrirati, proučavao je aktere režima, "male sljedbenike" i smjestio ih u 200 godina staru prusku tradiciju - oličenje bezdušne, mehaničke poslušnosti. Etos državne službe u Habsburškoj Monarhiji pokazuje strukturne sličnosti, a one su pak prenesene na upravljanje državama nasljednicama Monarhije., Der Unabhängige Staat Kroatien, eine Gründung der Kroatischen Revolutionären Bewegung „Ustascha“ (mit Unterstützung und Billigung der Achsenmächte) entstand, ohne dass seine Bürger um ihre Zustimmung gefragt wurden. Die Bürger haben sich in vielfältiger Weise dazu geäußert: ihn begrüßt, sich abwartend passiv verhalten, aber auch aktiv ihre Gegnerschaft bekundet. Aktiver, bewaffneter Widerstand war die Option eines anfangs kleinen Kreises, der für die Konfrontation mit einem hochgerüsteten Heer und für die brutale Unterwerfungspolitik der Ustascha unter der Ägyde nationalsozialistischer Behörden todesmutig sein musste. Bürger haben sich den Besatzern und ihren kroatischen Kollaborateuren unterworfen - schließlich mussten, wollten sie ihre Existenz sichern, überleben. Aber es gab auch Mitbürger, die in diesem Regime „ihre Chancen sahen“, mitarbeiteten, selbst auf dem Rücken anderer Karriere machten, sich andienten und in Kauf nahmen, zu denunzieren, als Provokateuere „auszuhorchen“ und Verleumdungen von Mitmenschen den Nachrichtendiensten zuzutragen. Sie mussten wissen, dass sie ihre „Informanten“ an Leib und Leben gefährdeten. Solche Dienste waren seit Menschengedenken verachtet, wie im 19.Jahrhundert der deutsche Dichter August Heinrich Graf von Fallersleben summierte: „Der größte Schuft im ganzen Land ist und bleibt der Denunziant“.Andere Mitbürger aber sahen die Verfolgten und ihre Leiden - sie halfen Gefährdete zu warnen, zu verstecken, in Sicherheit zu bringen - und bei den Behörden zugunsten Gefährdeter zu intervenierten (dzt. 130 kroatische „Gerechte unter den Völkern“!). Der Aufbau des Unabhängigen Staates Kroatien wurde sowohl chronologisch als auch funktional schon gründlich untersucht . In allen Studien zur Entstehung des Ustaschastaates kamen die Menschen vor allem als Täter in den Blick:  Um deren Motive zu verstehen kann man bereits auf Untersuchungen zum Funktionieren des Nationalsozialismus  in Deutschland und den von Deutschen besetzten Ländern zurückgreifen: Der deutsche Generalstaatsanwalt Fritz Bauer, selbst vom Regime verfolgt und zur Emigration gezwungen, studierte die Akteure des Regimes, die „kleinen Mitläufer“ und  verortete sie in der 200 Jahre alten preußischen Tradition – dem Inbegriff von seelenlosem, mechanischen Gehorsam . Das Beamtenethos der Habsburger-Monarchie weist strukturelle Ähnlichkeiten auf, und diese wiederum haben sich auf die Staatsführung in den Nachfolgestaaten der Monarchie übertragen., The Independent State of Croatia, founded by the Croatian Revolutionary Movement “Ustasha” (with the support and approval of the Axis powers), came into being without asking its citizens for their consent. Citizens have commented on it in various ways: welcoming it, taking a passive wait-and-see approach, and actively expressing their opposition. Active, armed resistance was the option of an initially small circle that had to be brave enough to face the confrontation with a well-equipped army and the brutal subjugation policy of the Ustaše under the aegis of National Socialist authorities. Citizens submitted to the occupiers and their Croatian collaborators - after all, if they wanted to secure their existence, they had to survive. But there were also fellow citizens who “saw their chances” in this regime, worked together, made careers on the backs of others, offered themselves and accepted the risk of being denounced, being “sounded out” as provocateurs and reporting slander against their fellow human beings to the intelligence services. They had to know that they were risking their “informants” to life and limb. Such services have been despised since immemorial, as the German poet August Heinrich Graf von Fallersleben summed up in the 19th century: “The greatest villain in the entire country is and remains the informer.” Other citizens, however, saw the persecuted and their suffering - they helped those in danger to warn, to hide, to bring them to safety - and to intervene with the authorities on behalf of those at risk (currently 130 Croatian “Righteous Among the Nations”!). The structure of the Independent State of Croatia has already been thoroughly examined both chronologically and functionally. In all studies on the emergence of the Ustasha state, the people were primarily seen as perpetrators: To understand their motives, one can already fall back on studies on the functioning of National Socialism in Germany and the countries occupied by Germans: The German Attorney General Fritz Bauer, himself from regime persecuted and forced to emigrate, studied the regime's actors, the "little followers" and located them in the 200-year-old Prussian tradition - the epitome of soulless, mechanical obedience. The civil service ethos of the Habsburg Monarchy shows structural similarities, and these in turn were transferred to the governance of the monarchy's successor states.",
publisher = "Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder",
title = "Što čini totalitarna država od čovjeka? Perspektive djelovanja između konformizma i otpora, Was macht der totalitäre Staat mit den Menschen? Handlungsperspektiven zwischen Konformismus und Widerstand, What does a totalitarian state make of a man? Action perspectives between conformity and resistance",
pages = "1-52",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2650"
}

Grinfelder, A. M.. (2023). Što čini totalitarna država od čovjeka? Perspektive djelovanja između konformizma i otpora. 
Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder., 1-52.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2650

Grinfelder AM. Što čini totalitarna država od čovjeka? Perspektive djelovanja između konformizma i otpora. 2023;:1-52.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2650 .

Grinfelder, Ana Marija, "Što čini totalitarna država od čovjeka? Perspektive djelovanja između konformizma i otpora" (2023):1-52,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2650 .

TY  - UNPB
AU  - Grinfelder, Ana Marija
PY  - 2022
UR  - https://www.jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/2504
AB  - „Početak kraja Trećeg Reicha“, koji su već na proljeće 1944. godine slutili ne samo Saveznici, ne samo žrtve nacističkog terora, nego i sami nacistički moćnici, obilježen je s jedne strane eskalacijom terora, s druge strane, sve veći administrativni kaos, neodlučni, panični dužnosnici. Jedan od simptoma urušavanja državnog aparata je hektično ispražnjavanje koncentracijskih logora od zatočenika, obustava provedba „Konačnog rješenja“. „Evakuacijski marševi“ su tema ovog istraživanja, koji u historiografiji bivšeg jugoslavenskog prostora treba ispuniti određenu prazninu. Pokazat ću da su „evakuacijski marševi“, koje su njihove žrtve nazvale „marševima smrti“ sastavni dio „Konačnog rješenja“, nastavak istrebljenja Židova drugim metodama. Ujedno „marševi“ su sastavni dio povijesti istrebljenja i drugih europskih naroda koji su uvršteni u kategoriju „Pod-čovjek“ („Untermensch“). Žrtve evakuacijskih marševa zaslužuju - njih ukupno najmanje 250.000, da se one komemoriraju i da se „marševi smrti“ komemoriraju kao zasebno poglavlje, kao „finalna faza nacionalsocijalističkog genocida (Daniel Blatman). U toj fazi „Holokaust se odvijao pred očima javnosti, a uz aktivno sudjelovanje civilnog stanovništva, koje je moglo sve svoje frustracije i svoj antisemitizam iskaljivati nad nemoćnim „hodajućim kosturima“. U jugoslavenskom viđenju Drugog svjetskog rata - kao uostalom i u drugim socijalističkim zemljama - takve su žrtve supsumirane pod „žrtvama fašizma“, čime je potisnuto u zaborav posebno poglavlje povijesti iz perspektive žrtava. Pitanje, zašto se „obični ljudi“, spuštaju do te razine nečovječnosti, predmet je mnogih istraživanja u prošlosti i u sadašnjosti - odgovora na pitanje, kako to spriječiti, nema.
AB  - „Der Anfang vom Ende des Dritten Reiches“ zeichnete sich schon im Frühjahr 1944 ab: nicht nur die Alliierten rechneten zu dieser Zeit schon damit, sondern auch die „Größen“ des Reiches: Sie reagierten darauf einerseits mit verstärktem Terror, andererseits aber mit chaotischen Entscheidungen und Maßnahmen. Eine dieser Maßnahmen war die hektische Leerung der Konzentrationslager und die abrupte Einstellung der industriellen. „Evakuierungsmärsche“ sind das Thema dieser Forschung, die eine gewisse Lücke in der Geschichtsschreibung des ehemaligen jugoslawischen Raums schließen soll. Ich werde zeigen, dass die „Evakuierungsmärsche“, die ihre Opfer „Todesmärsche“ nannten, ein wesentlicher Bestandteil der „Endlösung“ sind, einer Fortsetzung der Judenvernichtung mit anderen Methoden. Gleichzeitig sind die „Märsche“ ein integraler Bestandteil der Vernichtungsgeschichte anderer europäischer Nationen, die in die Kategorie „Untermensch“ fallen. („Untermensch“). Die Opfer der „Evakuierungsmärsche – mindesten 250.000 – verdienen, als Opfer einer besonderen historischen Ereigniskette gewürdigt zu werden: Sie fielen der „Finalen Phase des nationalsozialistischen Genozids (Daniel Blatman). In dieser Phase spielte sich der „Holocaust“ in aller Öffentlichkeit ab, und die ZIvilbevölkerung beteiligte sich daran: sie konnte alle ihre Frustrationen und ihre Angst vor dem erahnten Zusammenbruch auf wehrlose Menschen projizieren. In Jugoslawien, wie auch in den anderen sozialistischen Ländern gab es kaum Sensibiliträt dafür - jugoslawische Überlebende der „Evakuierungsmärsche“ fanden mit ihrem Ansinnen auf Gründung einer Lagergemeinschaft nach dem Vorbild der ehemaligen Lagerkomitees anderer Staaten, beim Verband der Veteranen des Zweiten Weltkrieges kein Gehör. Die Frage, warum sich „normale Menschen“ zu Unmenschlichkeit hinreißen lassen, wurde und wird immer wieder gestellt - Antworten darauf gibt es nicht.
PB  - Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder
T1  - Savezničko oslobođenje koncentracijskih logora - prekretnica, ali ne i kraj Holokausta „Marševi smrti“ kao nastavak „Konačnog rješenja“ „drugim metodama“
T1  - Allied liberation of concentration camps - a turning point, but not the end of the Holocaust "Death Marches" as a continuation of the "Final Solution" by "other methods"
SP  - 1
EP  - 75
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2504
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Grinfelder, Ana Marija",
year = "2022",
abstract = "„Početak kraja Trećeg Reicha“, koji su već na proljeće 1944. godine slutili ne samo Saveznici, ne samo žrtve nacističkog terora, nego i sami nacistički moćnici, obilježen je s jedne strane eskalacijom terora, s druge strane, sve veći administrativni kaos, neodlučni, panični dužnosnici. Jedan od simptoma urušavanja državnog aparata je hektično ispražnjavanje koncentracijskih logora od zatočenika, obustava provedba „Konačnog rješenja“. „Evakuacijski marševi“ su tema ovog istraživanja, koji u historiografiji bivšeg jugoslavenskog prostora treba ispuniti određenu prazninu. Pokazat ću da su „evakuacijski marševi“, koje su njihove žrtve nazvale „marševima smrti“ sastavni dio „Konačnog rješenja“, nastavak istrebljenja Židova drugim metodama. Ujedno „marševi“ su sastavni dio povijesti istrebljenja i drugih europskih naroda koji su uvršteni u kategoriju „Pod-čovjek“ („Untermensch“). Žrtve evakuacijskih marševa zaslužuju - njih ukupno najmanje 250.000, da se one komemoriraju i da se „marševi smrti“ komemoriraju kao zasebno poglavlje, kao „finalna faza nacionalsocijalističkog genocida (Daniel Blatman). U toj fazi „Holokaust se odvijao pred očima javnosti, a uz aktivno sudjelovanje civilnog stanovništva, koje je moglo sve svoje frustracije i svoj antisemitizam iskaljivati nad nemoćnim „hodajućim kosturima“. U jugoslavenskom viđenju Drugog svjetskog rata - kao uostalom i u drugim socijalističkim zemljama - takve su žrtve supsumirane pod „žrtvama fašizma“, čime je potisnuto u zaborav posebno poglavlje povijesti iz perspektive žrtava. Pitanje, zašto se „obični ljudi“, spuštaju do te razine nečovječnosti, predmet je mnogih istraživanja u prošlosti i u sadašnjosti - odgovora na pitanje, kako to spriječiti, nema., „Der Anfang vom Ende des Dritten Reiches“ zeichnete sich schon im Frühjahr 1944 ab: nicht nur die Alliierten rechneten zu dieser Zeit schon damit, sondern auch die „Größen“ des Reiches: Sie reagierten darauf einerseits mit verstärktem Terror, andererseits aber mit chaotischen Entscheidungen und Maßnahmen. Eine dieser Maßnahmen war die hektische Leerung der Konzentrationslager und die abrupte Einstellung der industriellen. „Evakuierungsmärsche“ sind das Thema dieser Forschung, die eine gewisse Lücke in der Geschichtsschreibung des ehemaligen jugoslawischen Raums schließen soll. Ich werde zeigen, dass die „Evakuierungsmärsche“, die ihre Opfer „Todesmärsche“ nannten, ein wesentlicher Bestandteil der „Endlösung“ sind, einer Fortsetzung der Judenvernichtung mit anderen Methoden. Gleichzeitig sind die „Märsche“ ein integraler Bestandteil der Vernichtungsgeschichte anderer europäischer Nationen, die in die Kategorie „Untermensch“ fallen. („Untermensch“). Die Opfer der „Evakuierungsmärsche – mindesten 250.000 – verdienen, als Opfer einer besonderen historischen Ereigniskette gewürdigt zu werden: Sie fielen der „Finalen Phase des nationalsozialistischen Genozids (Daniel Blatman). In dieser Phase spielte sich der „Holocaust“ in aller Öffentlichkeit ab, und die ZIvilbevölkerung beteiligte sich daran: sie konnte alle ihre Frustrationen und ihre Angst vor dem erahnten Zusammenbruch auf wehrlose Menschen projizieren. In Jugoslawien, wie auch in den anderen sozialistischen Ländern gab es kaum Sensibiliträt dafür - jugoslawische Überlebende der „Evakuierungsmärsche“ fanden mit ihrem Ansinnen auf Gründung einer Lagergemeinschaft nach dem Vorbild der ehemaligen Lagerkomitees anderer Staaten, beim Verband der Veteranen des Zweiten Weltkrieges kein Gehör. Die Frage, warum sich „normale Menschen“ zu Unmenschlichkeit hinreißen lassen, wurde und wird immer wieder gestellt - Antworten darauf gibt es nicht.",
publisher = "Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder",
title = "Savezničko oslobođenje koncentracijskih logora - prekretnica, ali ne i kraj Holokausta „Marševi smrti“ kao nastavak „Konačnog rješenja“ „drugim metodama“, Allied liberation of concentration camps - a turning point, but not the end of the Holocaust "Death Marches" as a continuation of the "Final Solution" by "other methods"",
pages = "1-75",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2504"
}

Grinfelder, A. M.. (2022). Savezničko oslobođenje koncentracijskih logora - prekretnica, ali ne i kraj Holokausta „Marševi smrti“ kao nastavak „Konačnog rješenja“ „drugim metodama“. 
Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder., 1-75.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2504

Grinfelder AM. Savezničko oslobođenje koncentracijskih logora - prekretnica, ali ne i kraj Holokausta „Marševi smrti“ kao nastavak „Konačnog rješenja“ „drugim metodama“. 2022;:1-75.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2504 .

Grinfelder, Ana Marija, "Savezničko oslobođenje koncentracijskih logora - prekretnica, ali ne i kraj Holokausta „Marševi smrti“ kao nastavak „Konačnog rješenja“ „drugim metodama“" (2022):1-75,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2504 .

TY  - UNPB
AU  - Grinfelder, Ana Marija
PY  - 2021
UR  - https://www.jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/2503
AB  - „Epuration" - francuski ekvivalent za proces denacifikacije nakon predaje Hitlerove Nemačke (8/9. maj 1945), koji su Saveznici inicirali i sproveli, centralna je tema ove studije. Osovinske zemlje imale su zadatak istrijebiti nacionalsocijalizam, ukloniti nacionalsocijalističke moćnike, staviti ih pred sud i suočavati cjelokupni njemački narod sa svojom odgovornošću za besprimjeran državni kriminalitet režimu, što ga je narod do kraja podržavao. Proučavala sam politiku „denacifikacije“, svih slojeva društva, i suđenje nacističkom vrhu, krivcima za besprimjerene ratne zločine i zločine protiv čovječnosti, te za genocid na Židovima i drugim manjinama (u Hrvatskoj na Srbima i Romima). Zato sam uspoređivala savezničku politiku „denacifikaciju“ i suđenja ratnim zločincima s istovjetnim procesima u (današnjoj) Republici Hrvatskoj (uključivši u žrtve progona i Srbe i Židove). Razlika u cilju - izgradnja demokratskog društva kao cilj Zapadnih Saveznika (ali ne i Sovjetskog saveznika) - izgradnja novi, socijalistički poredak ideološke su naravi, premda i socijalističko društvo deklarativno slijedi ideal „demokratskog društva“. Jugoslavenski način „Epuration“ svu težinu zadatka položi na sudske presude - na „preodgoj“ društva u smislu „prosvjetljivanja“, proučavanja“, osviješćivanja“ „odgojitelji“ nisu trošili energije. Rezultati i na Zapadu i u Jugoslaviji zaostajali su za idealima i ciljevima, i to prvenstveno zato što su se geopolitički uvjeti ubrzo počeli mijenjati. „Eskalacija Hladnoga rata“ zahtijevao prilagodbu političkih interesa novim konfrontacijama. Procesi pokrenuti od Saveznika u cilju raščišćavanja natruha prošlosti, zastali su na pola puta – „Epuration“ naroda nije se ostvarila.
AB  - Ếpuration - das französische Äquivalent für den Prozess der Entnazifizierung nach der Kapitulation Hitlerdeutschlands (8./9.Mai 1945), den die Alliierten anstiessen und vornahmen, ist das zentrale Thema dieser Studie. Untersucht werden die Wirkungen der alliierten „Umerziehung“ aller Bevölkerungsschichten und die strenge Bestrafung der an den beispiellosen Kriegsverbrechen und Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit Schuldigen, der Planer und Ausführenden des Genozid an den Juden und anderen Minderheiten (in Kroatien auch Serben und Roma) die aller dem nationalsozialistischen Regime auf welcher Hierarchieebene auch immer Dienenden - nicht nur die „grossen“ Nationalsozialisten, sondern auch die „kleine“ Parteigänger und Mitgläufer aus Opportunismus, Karrieresucht, Feigheit. Der Vergleich der in Deutschland Österreich vorgenommenen „Entnazifizierung“ und analogen Massnahmen in Kroatien ergab so viele Ähnlichkeiten, dass die Unterschied eher vordergründig erscheinen. In beiden „Entnazifizierungsprozessen“ geht es, zumindest deklariert um den Aufbau „demokratischer und „gerechter Gesellschaften“. Die Vorgangsweise der westlichen Alliierten ähnelt jener der jugoslawischen Institutionen, aber diese kopieren auch das sowjetische Modell. Die Resultate in Ost und West erweisen sich als gleicherweise enttäuschend; die Prozesse blieben auf halbem Wege stehen, denn die Ziele und Methoden mussten an die sich nach 1945 rasch ändernde geopolitische Lage anpassen; die Ếpuration wurde nicht erreicht.
PB  - Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder
T1  - Denacifikacija kažnjavanjem ratnih zločinaca
T1  - Denazification by punishing war criminals
SP  - 1
EP  - 58
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2503
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Grinfelder, Ana Marija",
year = "2021",
abstract = "„Epuration" - francuski ekvivalent za proces denacifikacije nakon predaje Hitlerove Nemačke (8/9. maj 1945), koji su Saveznici inicirali i sproveli, centralna je tema ove studije. Osovinske zemlje imale su zadatak istrijebiti nacionalsocijalizam, ukloniti nacionalsocijalističke moćnike, staviti ih pred sud i suočavati cjelokupni njemački narod sa svojom odgovornošću za besprimjeran državni kriminalitet režimu, što ga je narod do kraja podržavao. Proučavala sam politiku „denacifikacije“, svih slojeva društva, i suđenje nacističkom vrhu, krivcima za besprimjerene ratne zločine i zločine protiv čovječnosti, te za genocid na Židovima i drugim manjinama (u Hrvatskoj na Srbima i Romima). Zato sam uspoređivala savezničku politiku „denacifikaciju“ i suđenja ratnim zločincima s istovjetnim procesima u (današnjoj) Republici Hrvatskoj (uključivši u žrtve progona i Srbe i Židove). Razlika u cilju - izgradnja demokratskog društva kao cilj Zapadnih Saveznika (ali ne i Sovjetskog saveznika) - izgradnja novi, socijalistički poredak ideološke su naravi, premda i socijalističko društvo deklarativno slijedi ideal „demokratskog društva“. Jugoslavenski način „Epuration“ svu težinu zadatka položi na sudske presude - na „preodgoj“ društva u smislu „prosvjetljivanja“, proučavanja“, osviješćivanja“ „odgojitelji“ nisu trošili energije. Rezultati i na Zapadu i u Jugoslaviji zaostajali su za idealima i ciljevima, i to prvenstveno zato što su se geopolitički uvjeti ubrzo počeli mijenjati. „Eskalacija Hladnoga rata“ zahtijevao prilagodbu političkih interesa novim konfrontacijama. Procesi pokrenuti od Saveznika u cilju raščišćavanja natruha prošlosti, zastali su na pola puta – „Epuration“ naroda nije se ostvarila., Ếpuration - das französische Äquivalent für den Prozess der Entnazifizierung nach der Kapitulation Hitlerdeutschlands (8./9.Mai 1945), den die Alliierten anstiessen und vornahmen, ist das zentrale Thema dieser Studie. Untersucht werden die Wirkungen der alliierten „Umerziehung“ aller Bevölkerungsschichten und die strenge Bestrafung der an den beispiellosen Kriegsverbrechen und Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit Schuldigen, der Planer und Ausführenden des Genozid an den Juden und anderen Minderheiten (in Kroatien auch Serben und Roma) die aller dem nationalsozialistischen Regime auf welcher Hierarchieebene auch immer Dienenden - nicht nur die „grossen“ Nationalsozialisten, sondern auch die „kleine“ Parteigänger und Mitgläufer aus Opportunismus, Karrieresucht, Feigheit. Der Vergleich der in Deutschland Österreich vorgenommenen „Entnazifizierung“ und analogen Massnahmen in Kroatien ergab so viele Ähnlichkeiten, dass die Unterschied eher vordergründig erscheinen. In beiden „Entnazifizierungsprozessen“ geht es, zumindest deklariert um den Aufbau „demokratischer und „gerechter Gesellschaften“. Die Vorgangsweise der westlichen Alliierten ähnelt jener der jugoslawischen Institutionen, aber diese kopieren auch das sowjetische Modell. Die Resultate in Ost und West erweisen sich als gleicherweise enttäuschend; die Prozesse blieben auf halbem Wege stehen, denn die Ziele und Methoden mussten an die sich nach 1945 rasch ändernde geopolitische Lage anpassen; die Ếpuration wurde nicht erreicht.",
publisher = "Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder",
title = "Denacifikacija kažnjavanjem ratnih zločinaca, Denazification by punishing war criminals",
pages = "1-58",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2503"
}

Grinfelder, A. M.. (2021). Denacifikacija kažnjavanjem ratnih zločinaca. 
Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder., 1-58.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2503

Grinfelder AM. Denacifikacija kažnjavanjem ratnih zločinaca. 2021;:1-58.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2503 .

Grinfelder, Ana Marija, "Denacifikacija kažnjavanjem ratnih zločinaca" (2021):1-58,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2503 .

TY  - UNPB
AU  - Grinfelder, Ana Marija
PY  - 2019
UR  - https://www.jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/2502
AB  - Preživjeli povratnici iz nacističkih logora smrti u Jugoslaviji, koja je od 7. ožujka 1945. godine uspostavila komunističku vladavinu, morale su brzo shvatiti da ne mogu računati na državnu pomoć: ni repatrijacija, niti reintegracija u jugoslavensku državu, državi nisu bili prioriteti. Programske deklaracije i zakoni velikim su djelom ostali mrtvo slovo na papiru. Pokazat ću to na primjerima povrata imovine, pružanju liječničke i terapeutske skrbi za preživjele traume, te socijalno zbrinjavanje žrtava koje su ostale ne samo bez članova obitelji, nego i bez svoje imovine i materijalne egzistencije. U trenutku kapitulacije Njemačkog Reicha, Glavni stožer savezničkih snaga u Europi (SHAEF) suočavao se s otprilike 11-13 milijuna raseljenih osoba, koje će nakon završetka  rata trebati repatrirati ili za njih pronaći mogućnosti za novu egzistenciju. Među 14 različitih nacija kojima su pripadali „Displaced persons“ (DPs) , nalazili su se, po njihovoj procjeni, između 150-200 tisuća Jugoslovena (u savezničkim procjenama nema raščlanjivanja kontingente po pripadnosti pojedinim jugoslavenskim narodima ili narodnostima). Procjene Saveznika obuhvaćale su i 20.000-30.000 Židova.
AB  - Survivors returning from the Nazi death camps in Yugoslavia, which established communist rule on March 7, 1945, had to quickly realize that they could not count on state aid: neither repatriation nor reintegration into the Yugoslav state was priorities for the state. Program declarations and laws largely remained a dead letter. I will show this in the examples of property restitution, provision of medical and therapeutic care for survivors of trauma, and social care for victims who were left not only without family members but also without their property and material existence. At the time of the capitulation of the German Reich, the General Staff of the Allied Forces in Europe (SHAEF) was faced with approximately 11-13 million displaced persons, who would need to be repatriated or found opportunities for a new existence after the end of the war. Among the 14 different nations to which the "Displaced persons" (DPs) belonged, there were, according to their estimation, between 150-200 thousand Yugoslavs (the allied estimates do not break down the contingents by belonging to individual Yugoslav nations or nationalities). Allied estimates also included 20,000-30,000 Jews.
PB  - Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder
T1  - Pravo umjesto pravednosti: židovska imovina pod narodnom vlašću
T1  - Law instead of righteousness: Jewish property under popular rule
SP  - 1
EP  - 73
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2502
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Grinfelder, Ana Marija",
year = "2019",
abstract = "Preživjeli povratnici iz nacističkih logora smrti u Jugoslaviji, koja je od 7. ožujka 1945. godine uspostavila komunističku vladavinu, morale su brzo shvatiti da ne mogu računati na državnu pomoć: ni repatrijacija, niti reintegracija u jugoslavensku državu, državi nisu bili prioriteti. Programske deklaracije i zakoni velikim su djelom ostali mrtvo slovo na papiru. Pokazat ću to na primjerima povrata imovine, pružanju liječničke i terapeutske skrbi za preživjele traume, te socijalno zbrinjavanje žrtava koje su ostale ne samo bez članova obitelji, nego i bez svoje imovine i materijalne egzistencije. U trenutku kapitulacije Njemačkog Reicha, Glavni stožer savezničkih snaga u Europi (SHAEF) suočavao se s otprilike 11-13 milijuna raseljenih osoba, koje će nakon završetka  rata trebati repatrirati ili za njih pronaći mogućnosti za novu egzistenciju. Među 14 različitih nacija kojima su pripadali „Displaced persons“ (DPs) , nalazili su se, po njihovoj procjeni, između 150-200 tisuća Jugoslovena (u savezničkim procjenama nema raščlanjivanja kontingente po pripadnosti pojedinim jugoslavenskim narodima ili narodnostima). Procjene Saveznika obuhvaćale su i 20.000-30.000 Židova., Survivors returning from the Nazi death camps in Yugoslavia, which established communist rule on March 7, 1945, had to quickly realize that they could not count on state aid: neither repatriation nor reintegration into the Yugoslav state was priorities for the state. Program declarations and laws largely remained a dead letter. I will show this in the examples of property restitution, provision of medical and therapeutic care for survivors of trauma, and social care for victims who were left not only without family members but also without their property and material existence. At the time of the capitulation of the German Reich, the General Staff of the Allied Forces in Europe (SHAEF) was faced with approximately 11-13 million displaced persons, who would need to be repatriated or found opportunities for a new existence after the end of the war. Among the 14 different nations to which the "Displaced persons" (DPs) belonged, there were, according to their estimation, between 150-200 thousand Yugoslavs (the allied estimates do not break down the contingents by belonging to individual Yugoslav nations or nationalities). Allied estimates also included 20,000-30,000 Jews.",
publisher = "Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder",
title = "Pravo umjesto pravednosti: židovska imovina pod narodnom vlašću, Law instead of righteousness: Jewish property under popular rule",
pages = "1-73",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2502"
}

Grinfelder, A. M.. (2019). Pravo umjesto pravednosti: židovska imovina pod narodnom vlašću. 
Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder., 1-73.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2502

Grinfelder AM. Pravo umjesto pravednosti: židovska imovina pod narodnom vlašću. 2019;:1-73.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2502 .

Grinfelder, Ana Marija, "Pravo umjesto pravednosti: židovska imovina pod narodnom vlašću" (2019):1-73,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2502 .

TY  - UNPB
AU  - Grinfelder, Ana Marija
PY  - 2018
UR  - https://www.jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/2501
AB  - Istraživanje u arhivskoj građi Hrvatskog Državnog arhiva u Zagrebu odgovori na pitanje, što se dogodilo s „basnoslovnim židovskim bogatstvom“ hrvatskih Židova. Pratim „nasrtaje“ ustaške vlasti, ali i stanovništva na židovsku imovinu, koja je zbog tog arhetipskog predrasuda postala prvom metom ustaša, ali i prvim korakom k fizičkom uništenju Židova. Budući da je nasilno oduzimanje židovske imovine bilo motivirano „potrebama države“, proučila sam „putove“ imovine koja je, više nego velika poduzeća, zrcale osobni, ljudski profil hrvatskog židovstva - predmeti svakodnevnice, vrijednine čija nabava predstavlja podjednako znak potrebe za materijalnom sigurnošću kao i za estetikom svakodnevnice. Umjetnine, nakit, umjetničke rukotvorine - završili su djelomično u inozemstvu, djelomično u domaćim bankama, kamo se naposljetku slila i imovina opljačkana od građana, za što ih je komunistički režim sankcionirao. Zaključak treba glasiti da je pozamašan dio opljačkane imovine završio u institucijama jugoslavenske države. Pokazat će se da je jugoslavenska država nastojala povratiti ukradene umjetnine iz inozemstva i sprječavati „odliv“ iz zemlje. Država se pokazala sudionikom pljačke - to bi se moglo reći i za Jugoslaviju, poglavito za kulturne institucije, koje su, naposljetku, postale institucijama postjugoslavenskih Republika. Židovima je država malo pomagala ponovno graditi život.
AB  - The former Yugoslavia has neither been mentioned among states which built their welfare on expropriating and expelling Jews - probably for one reason: issues of Nazi-looted values,  art, and jewelry robbed from Jews by the Ustashi and later confiscated or sequestrated by the Yugoslav communists, Jewish property bargained by Croatian fellow-citizens and not restituted to their former owners after the end of the war - these are the issue this research deals with. It is exactly Jewish personal properties - values of private, personal importance that make part of one's personal identity and remembrance, and their fate which turned my gaze: I described the expropriation of Jews during the Ustasha-regime, under the appearance of legitimacy and law, as well as naked plundering both by members of state-authorities as well as by paramilitaries and civil citizens. The treatment of Jewish private and personal property in Postwar-Yugoslavia aimed to nationalize as much as possible for reconstruction, development, and relief - particularly property of absent persons and the sequestration of property forcibly removed by occupying authorities. Yugoslavia in fact participated in expropriating the victims of prosecution, the more as their legal herits were deprived of facilities to regain either symbolic compensation. Museums and galleries, libraries, and archives took advantage of „property without proprietaries“. The property was handed over to the relevant authority for managing national resources “regardless of whether the property was bought, illegally appropriated, received for custody or received in any other manner.“ Citizens who profited from the expropriation of their Jewish fellow citizens, were not ready to give up their new comfortable wealth and to restitute it to their former owners. Restitution and recompensation - a moral imperative - have not yet been adopted by the successor states. This research summarises the traces of Jewish properties today. To rebuild their lives, state authorities were not aware enough that they are due support to those who had lost all they had.
PB  - Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder
T1  - Gdje je ostalo židovsko bogatstvo? Opljačkano, iznuđeno - u službi obnove zemlje
T1  - What occured to the staggering wealth of the Yugoslav Jews? Plundered and robbed - to serve to reconstruction and relief
SP  - 1
EP  - 91
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2501
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Grinfelder, Ana Marija",
year = "2018",
abstract = "Istraživanje u arhivskoj građi Hrvatskog Državnog arhiva u Zagrebu odgovori na pitanje, što se dogodilo s „basnoslovnim židovskim bogatstvom“ hrvatskih Židova. Pratim „nasrtaje“ ustaške vlasti, ali i stanovništva na židovsku imovinu, koja je zbog tog arhetipskog predrasuda postala prvom metom ustaša, ali i prvim korakom k fizičkom uništenju Židova. Budući da je nasilno oduzimanje židovske imovine bilo motivirano „potrebama države“, proučila sam „putove“ imovine koja je, više nego velika poduzeća, zrcale osobni, ljudski profil hrvatskog židovstva - predmeti svakodnevnice, vrijednine čija nabava predstavlja podjednako znak potrebe za materijalnom sigurnošću kao i za estetikom svakodnevnice. Umjetnine, nakit, umjetničke rukotvorine - završili su djelomično u inozemstvu, djelomično u domaćim bankama, kamo se naposljetku slila i imovina opljačkana od građana, za što ih je komunistički režim sankcionirao. Zaključak treba glasiti da je pozamašan dio opljačkane imovine završio u institucijama jugoslavenske države. Pokazat će se da je jugoslavenska država nastojala povratiti ukradene umjetnine iz inozemstva i sprječavati „odliv“ iz zemlje. Država se pokazala sudionikom pljačke - to bi se moglo reći i za Jugoslaviju, poglavito za kulturne institucije, koje su, naposljetku, postale institucijama postjugoslavenskih Republika. Židovima je država malo pomagala ponovno graditi život., The former Yugoslavia has neither been mentioned among states which built their welfare on expropriating and expelling Jews - probably for one reason: issues of Nazi-looted values,  art, and jewelry robbed from Jews by the Ustashi and later confiscated or sequestrated by the Yugoslav communists, Jewish property bargained by Croatian fellow-citizens and not restituted to their former owners after the end of the war - these are the issue this research deals with. It is exactly Jewish personal properties - values of private, personal importance that make part of one's personal identity and remembrance, and their fate which turned my gaze: I described the expropriation of Jews during the Ustasha-regime, under the appearance of legitimacy and law, as well as naked plundering both by members of state-authorities as well as by paramilitaries and civil citizens. The treatment of Jewish private and personal property in Postwar-Yugoslavia aimed to nationalize as much as possible for reconstruction, development, and relief - particularly property of absent persons and the sequestration of property forcibly removed by occupying authorities. Yugoslavia in fact participated in expropriating the victims of prosecution, the more as their legal herits were deprived of facilities to regain either symbolic compensation. Museums and galleries, libraries, and archives took advantage of „property without proprietaries“. The property was handed over to the relevant authority for managing national resources “regardless of whether the property was bought, illegally appropriated, received for custody or received in any other manner.“ Citizens who profited from the expropriation of their Jewish fellow citizens, were not ready to give up their new comfortable wealth and to restitute it to their former owners. Restitution and recompensation - a moral imperative - have not yet been adopted by the successor states. This research summarises the traces of Jewish properties today. To rebuild their lives, state authorities were not aware enough that they are due support to those who had lost all they had.",
publisher = "Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder",
title = "Gdje je ostalo židovsko bogatstvo? Opljačkano, iznuđeno - u službi obnove zemlje, What occured to the staggering wealth of the Yugoslav Jews? Plundered and robbed - to serve to reconstruction and relief",
pages = "1-91",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2501"
}

Grinfelder, A. M.. (2018). Gdje je ostalo židovsko bogatstvo? Opljačkano, iznuđeno - u službi obnove zemlje. 
Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder., 1-91.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2501

Grinfelder AM. Gdje je ostalo židovsko bogatstvo? Opljačkano, iznuđeno - u službi obnove zemlje. 2018;:1-91.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2501 .

Grinfelder, Ana Marija, "Gdje je ostalo židovsko bogatstvo? Opljačkano, iznuđeno - u službi obnove zemlje" (2018):1-91,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2501 .

TY  - UNPB
AU  - Grinfelder, Ana Marija
PY  - 2017
UR  - https://www.jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/2500
AB  - Na osnovu arhivske građe iz Hrvatskog Državnog arhiva u Zagrebu, Državnog arhiva u Rijeci i Arhiva Republike Slovenije (Ljubljana) rekonstruiram puteve oslobođenih židovskih zatočenika logora Kampor (otok Rab u potrazi za novom šansom za život, u sigurnosti, bez progona. Glavni štab NOV prebaci ih s otoka Raba na teritorij pod kontrolom partizana, netom prije njemačke okupacije Primorja, Dalmacije i Kvarnerskih otoka, no i taj „oslobođeni teritorij“ nije bio siguran od neprijateljskih upada. Vojno sposobni mobilizirani su, a drugi su se angažirali u pozadinskoj službi - iz zahvalnosti zbog evakuacije, iz idealizma i oduševljenje za ideale partizana, a neki i pod prisilom. Arhivska građa sadrži i dokumente o - uglavnom negativnom - odnosu boraca o Židovima i o predrasudama u narodu prema Židovima, koje su opterećivali suživot s domaćim stanovništvom. Pomoć Rabskim Židovima - ali i  nemilosrdno prakticiranje moći, podjednako nad Židovima i nad stanovnišvom. Autori memoara, neki diskrenije neki neuvijeni, ukazazivali na taj „iskonski grijeh“ partizanskog pokreta: nasuprot njihovoj ideologiji „narod je vlast“, partizani su narod podvrgnuli svojoj moći. Narod se opirao - na štetu i na leđima izbjeglica. Stvoren je razdor između domaćina i onima potrebitim pomoći. Fond ZAVNOH obiluje izvještajima o sukobima domaćeg stanovništva, ali i lokalnih vlasti i vojnih zapovjednika sa židovskim zbijegovima, i pokušajeva ZAVNOH-a vrbovati za razumijevanje za Židove progonjene, internirane i predviđene za istrebljenje. Evakuaciju u Italiju nisu dočekali Židovski civili, koji su u jesen 1943. nisu htjeli napustiti Rab. Njih je sustigla njemačka okupacija Raba - što se s njima dogodilo, o tome se izjave svjedoka razilaze. Citirana literatura polazi od toga da su svi zaostali na Rabu, deportirani preko Trsta u Aušvic (vratile su se žive tri osobe). Prema drugim izvorima SS-ovi su ih transportirali u Opatiju, ali ondje, sluteći slom nacista, digli ruke od njih.
AB  - Under the circumstances of the particularly cruel prosecution of Jews in Yugoslavia, only 3,000 Jews (out of approximately 12000 Croatian Jews, 82.000 in the entire Yugoslavia) succeeded to reach the Italian "Zone I", the regions annexed to Italia. About the same number reached somehow "Zone II". In "Zone I" the refugees settled in the City of Split but the Italians had confined a number of them to Korčula, an island of the Adriatic Sea. Although the Italian authorities executed their own "Racial politics" with anti-Jewish measures, the fact remains that the Italians never committed genocide and - from 1942. on - refused to hand over to the Germans all Jews under Italian protection, not even the Non-Italian Jews. Actually, the Italians were the ones who introduced measures to protect the Jews in "Zone II" from the reoccurrence of Ustasha crimes. Although the Ustasha and above them the German authorities in the Independent State of Croatia were very persistent in demanding the handing over to them all the Jews in that Zone, the Italians, in order to avoid fruitless disputes, confined the „Zone II“ Jews to camps administered by Italian military authorities. (Dubrovnik, Kraljevica, Hvar, Brač and Rab). At the very moment of Italia's capitulation (September 8, 1943) the inmates of the Jewish and the Slovenian camp together executed the prepared liberation, disarmament of the Italian guards and takeover of the camp. A considerable number of the Jewish inmates of the Rab camp, both men and women founded a Jewish Battalion, which joined the Liberation Army, while the others, civilists, were taken by the Partisans to the liberated areas of Lika, Kordun and Banija region. The former inmates of Rab decided not to remain passive and to reconcile themselves with the crimes of the occupiers and their accomplices against them A remarkable number of them took arms to fight in the Liberation War. Among them, we find Austrian Jews, refugees since 1938 (immediately after the "Anschluss" in Austria), like musicians and lawyers, pupils and students, to participate in the liberation of the Camp of Rab and joined the Army of National Liberation. These were sent to various partisan units on the territory of Croatia or the Movement of National Liberation, in the framework of which they were committed to social welfare and education, particularly for partisans' children or war orphans, in medical care for fighters and the civil population. At the same time, while the liberated former inmates of the Italian concentration camps worked hard for the Peoples' Liberation Movement, Jews at the Dalmatian coast were hunted by the Germans and Ustashas, who had entered the city of Split (September 27) and Dubrovnik (October 1, 1943) and started to execute the "Decision of the Waannsee-gathering", the "Final solution of the Jewish question in Europe". The refugees interned yet by the Italians in the Concentration camps in the Iceland of Rab, in open Internation in Dubrovnik and on the Dalmatian islands were the more fortunate ones. The Partizans succeeded to evacuate them in time to the Lika region where the Partizans had established their regime. The cohabitation of the Jews, most of them had passed nearly one year in Concentration camps and suffered from starvation and diseases, with the local inhabitants, mostly poor and uneducated rural people, peasants, soldiers …, at least intellectuals and educated citizens. It was this traumatic experience to provoked conflicts between domestic people and the „newcomers“: The inhabitants. living with the permanent danger to be assaulted by German, Ustashi or Chetnics, plundered and deported, suffering from lack of all vital means for life and could, therefore, hardly be motivated to share with these new settlers their scarce preserves. The local authorities, "Committees of People's Liberation" (NOO) had orders from the General Staff of National Liberation (GŠ NOV) to settle these Jews on the liberated territories - and the Committee. blindly and without hesitating executed the order - without any sensibility, without comprehension for the fears of the domestic people, without respect towards the trauma of the former inmates of concentration camps, prosecuted and hunted individuals. In fact, the Partisans did not only demonstrate their power and authority, but they showed also a lack of military discipline and cruel aggression against the civil inhabitants. Yet during the war, the Partisans practised what they considered to be their right, and what they performed during the first postwar decade: raw power and no shame: to use people and to abuse them. Some authors who published their memories of their experiences of life under the partizans' control pay honour to the idealism of the „Partisans of the first hour“, however, admit that not so rarely their idealism and readiness to sacrifice themselves, exaggerated to cruelty and lack of compassion for their victims. And there were yet the others, the opportunists, the careerist the profiteers of the war - they all, and respectively their lack of sensibility for the special situation of the Jews and former inmates of Concentration camps provoked conflicts which reflect the typical antagonisms of the postwar Yugoslav societies: the latent tensions between national majorities and minorities: The Jews handled their antagonism against the Non-Jews and against Yugoslav authorities by "submerging" (Paul Benjamin Godiejev ), suppressing their conscience of a particular individuality: In postwar Yugoslavia Jews preferred to be "invisible", unrecognizable as Jews. When at the beginning of 1944 the Germans started a large offensive (from Rijeka and the Operational zone Adriatic Litoral) towards the continental Gorski Kotar and Lika regions, the Partisans' authorities evacuated the inhabitants as well as the Jews, eastwards, to the Banija and Kordun-regions. The so-called "Liberated territories", the regions under the partisans' control were liberated from the occupation forces, but not definitively pacified and assured against enemies' attacks. As a result of the escalation of the military actions against the partisans, British policy which had performed a radical "turn of mind" (refusing help for the Chetnics and supporting their enemies, Tito's partizans, allowed to evacuate the inhabitants of the endangered regions, a great part of Central and Western Croatian, to the Island of Vis, where from they should be transported to Italy. At least, neither Vis nor the allied territory in the Italian mainland was able to absorb more than ten thousand refugees from Yugoslavia. It was, therefore, that Dalmations and people from the Hinterland had to be intenerated in former British Army camps in Egypt. Actually, only those transported whom the partisans did not - voluntarily or forced - mobilise for the Peoples ' Liberation Army (elderly people, women and children). However, while the Royal (British) Airforce supported the Partizans to save the non-Jewish population, their pilots and Liaison-officers voluntarily and without clear criteria refused to take with them Jews, also younger children who were not yet mature to work, also ill and elder persons. E.g. from more than 700 children announced to be evacuated, merely 39 Jewish children were accepted to be transported to Italy. The Partisan authorities, aware of the British reserves against Jewish refugees because of their (supposed) intention to continue to Palestine, decided to enforce their institutions of social welfare, their homes for war orphans and war victims, their hospitals and ambulances and to care for people at home - last but not least as a welcomed opportunity to enforce their popularity. It must be taken into account that as a result of such quarrels between Partizans and their new "friends", Great Britain, the Jews in the Dalmatian towns, as well as those who had remained in Rab, and the others, Polish Jews and non-Jewish Polish refugees were lastly delivered to their prosecutors. In October 1943 the Jews of Split and Dubrovnik were taken to the Concentration camp in Zemun, where some of them were killed on the spot, and others sent to the Auschwitz death camp to perish there. In March 1944 Jewish women and children from Dalmatia were sent to Jasenovac and killed there. In Italy, the refugees from Croatia, inclusively some 200 hundred Jews, witnessed the difficult conditions of everyday life in the Italian refugee camps: impossible living conditions, insufficient clothing, inadequate nutrition and scarce medical care nature. Various diseases did not spare the members of the camps, especially children. Despite these troubles, the refugees themselves tried hard to fulfil it with all sorts of activities in the social, labour, cultural and educational fields that made waiting for a return to their homeland quicker to pass - and they did not persist until the return was possible. The last group of camp members from Italy arrived in Dalmatia in March 1945. Refugee camps in Italy reflect the circumstances, the inmates faced with in the camps in Egypt.
PB  - Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder
T1  - Oslobođeni za ponovni progon. Židovski zatočenici logora Kampor (otok Rab) nakon evakuacije
T1  - Released for re-persecution. Jewish prisoners of the Kampor camp (Rab island) after evacuation
SP  - 1
EP  - 104
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2500
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Grinfelder, Ana Marija",
year = "2017",
abstract = "Na osnovu arhivske građe iz Hrvatskog Državnog arhiva u Zagrebu, Državnog arhiva u Rijeci i Arhiva Republike Slovenije (Ljubljana) rekonstruiram puteve oslobođenih židovskih zatočenika logora Kampor (otok Rab u potrazi za novom šansom za život, u sigurnosti, bez progona. Glavni štab NOV prebaci ih s otoka Raba na teritorij pod kontrolom partizana, netom prije njemačke okupacije Primorja, Dalmacije i Kvarnerskih otoka, no i taj „oslobođeni teritorij“ nije bio siguran od neprijateljskih upada. Vojno sposobni mobilizirani su, a drugi su se angažirali u pozadinskoj službi - iz zahvalnosti zbog evakuacije, iz idealizma i oduševljenje za ideale partizana, a neki i pod prisilom. Arhivska građa sadrži i dokumente o - uglavnom negativnom - odnosu boraca o Židovima i o predrasudama u narodu prema Židovima, koje su opterećivali suživot s domaćim stanovništvom. Pomoć Rabskim Židovima - ali i  nemilosrdno prakticiranje moći, podjednako nad Židovima i nad stanovnišvom. Autori memoara, neki diskrenije neki neuvijeni, ukazazivali na taj „iskonski grijeh“ partizanskog pokreta: nasuprot njihovoj ideologiji „narod je vlast“, partizani su narod podvrgnuli svojoj moći. Narod se opirao - na štetu i na leđima izbjeglica. Stvoren je razdor između domaćina i onima potrebitim pomoći. Fond ZAVNOH obiluje izvještajima o sukobima domaćeg stanovništva, ali i lokalnih vlasti i vojnih zapovjednika sa židovskim zbijegovima, i pokušajeva ZAVNOH-a vrbovati za razumijevanje za Židove progonjene, internirane i predviđene za istrebljenje. Evakuaciju u Italiju nisu dočekali Židovski civili, koji su u jesen 1943. nisu htjeli napustiti Rab. Njih je sustigla njemačka okupacija Raba - što se s njima dogodilo, o tome se izjave svjedoka razilaze. Citirana literatura polazi od toga da su svi zaostali na Rabu, deportirani preko Trsta u Aušvic (vratile su se žive tri osobe). Prema drugim izvorima SS-ovi su ih transportirali u Opatiju, ali ondje, sluteći slom nacista, digli ruke od njih., Under the circumstances of the particularly cruel prosecution of Jews in Yugoslavia, only 3,000 Jews (out of approximately 12000 Croatian Jews, 82.000 in the entire Yugoslavia) succeeded to reach the Italian "Zone I", the regions annexed to Italia. About the same number reached somehow "Zone II". In "Zone I" the refugees settled in the City of Split but the Italians had confined a number of them to Korčula, an island of the Adriatic Sea. Although the Italian authorities executed their own "Racial politics" with anti-Jewish measures, the fact remains that the Italians never committed genocide and - from 1942. on - refused to hand over to the Germans all Jews under Italian protection, not even the Non-Italian Jews. Actually, the Italians were the ones who introduced measures to protect the Jews in "Zone II" from the reoccurrence of Ustasha crimes. Although the Ustasha and above them the German authorities in the Independent State of Croatia were very persistent in demanding the handing over to them all the Jews in that Zone, the Italians, in order to avoid fruitless disputes, confined the „Zone II“ Jews to camps administered by Italian military authorities. (Dubrovnik, Kraljevica, Hvar, Brač and Rab). At the very moment of Italia's capitulation (September 8, 1943) the inmates of the Jewish and the Slovenian camp together executed the prepared liberation, disarmament of the Italian guards and takeover of the camp. A considerable number of the Jewish inmates of the Rab camp, both men and women founded a Jewish Battalion, which joined the Liberation Army, while the others, civilists, were taken by the Partisans to the liberated areas of Lika, Kordun and Banija region. The former inmates of Rab decided not to remain passive and to reconcile themselves with the crimes of the occupiers and their accomplices against them A remarkable number of them took arms to fight in the Liberation War. Among them, we find Austrian Jews, refugees since 1938 (immediately after the "Anschluss" in Austria), like musicians and lawyers, pupils and students, to participate in the liberation of the Camp of Rab and joined the Army of National Liberation. These were sent to various partisan units on the territory of Croatia or the Movement of National Liberation, in the framework of which they were committed to social welfare and education, particularly for partisans' children or war orphans, in medical care for fighters and the civil population. At the same time, while the liberated former inmates of the Italian concentration camps worked hard for the Peoples' Liberation Movement, Jews at the Dalmatian coast were hunted by the Germans and Ustashas, who had entered the city of Split (September 27) and Dubrovnik (October 1, 1943) and started to execute the "Decision of the Waannsee-gathering", the "Final solution of the Jewish question in Europe". The refugees interned yet by the Italians in the Concentration camps in the Iceland of Rab, in open Internation in Dubrovnik and on the Dalmatian islands were the more fortunate ones. The Partizans succeeded to evacuate them in time to the Lika region where the Partizans had established their regime. The cohabitation of the Jews, most of them had passed nearly one year in Concentration camps and suffered from starvation and diseases, with the local inhabitants, mostly poor and uneducated rural people, peasants, soldiers …, at least intellectuals and educated citizens. It was this traumatic experience to provoked conflicts between domestic people and the „newcomers“: The inhabitants. living with the permanent danger to be assaulted by German, Ustashi or Chetnics, plundered and deported, suffering from lack of all vital means for life and could, therefore, hardly be motivated to share with these new settlers their scarce preserves. The local authorities, "Committees of People's Liberation" (NOO) had orders from the General Staff of National Liberation (GŠ NOV) to settle these Jews on the liberated territories - and the Committee. blindly and without hesitating executed the order - without any sensibility, without comprehension for the fears of the domestic people, without respect towards the trauma of the former inmates of concentration camps, prosecuted and hunted individuals. In fact, the Partisans did not only demonstrate their power and authority, but they showed also a lack of military discipline and cruel aggression against the civil inhabitants. Yet during the war, the Partisans practised what they considered to be their right, and what they performed during the first postwar decade: raw power and no shame: to use people and to abuse them. Some authors who published their memories of their experiences of life under the partizans' control pay honour to the idealism of the „Partisans of the first hour“, however, admit that not so rarely their idealism and readiness to sacrifice themselves, exaggerated to cruelty and lack of compassion for their victims. And there were yet the others, the opportunists, the careerist the profiteers of the war - they all, and respectively their lack of sensibility for the special situation of the Jews and former inmates of Concentration camps provoked conflicts which reflect the typical antagonisms of the postwar Yugoslav societies: the latent tensions between national majorities and minorities: The Jews handled their antagonism against the Non-Jews and against Yugoslav authorities by "submerging" (Paul Benjamin Godiejev ), suppressing their conscience of a particular individuality: In postwar Yugoslavia Jews preferred to be "invisible", unrecognizable as Jews. When at the beginning of 1944 the Germans started a large offensive (from Rijeka and the Operational zone Adriatic Litoral) towards the continental Gorski Kotar and Lika regions, the Partisans' authorities evacuated the inhabitants as well as the Jews, eastwards, to the Banija and Kordun-regions. The so-called "Liberated territories", the regions under the partisans' control were liberated from the occupation forces, but not definitively pacified and assured against enemies' attacks. As a result of the escalation of the military actions against the partisans, British policy which had performed a radical "turn of mind" (refusing help for the Chetnics and supporting their enemies, Tito's partizans, allowed to evacuate the inhabitants of the endangered regions, a great part of Central and Western Croatian, to the Island of Vis, where from they should be transported to Italy. At least, neither Vis nor the allied territory in the Italian mainland was able to absorb more than ten thousand refugees from Yugoslavia. It was, therefore, that Dalmations and people from the Hinterland had to be intenerated in former British Army camps in Egypt. Actually, only those transported whom the partisans did not - voluntarily or forced - mobilise for the Peoples ' Liberation Army (elderly people, women and children). However, while the Royal (British) Airforce supported the Partizans to save the non-Jewish population, their pilots and Liaison-officers voluntarily and without clear criteria refused to take with them Jews, also younger children who were not yet mature to work, also ill and elder persons. E.g. from more than 700 children announced to be evacuated, merely 39 Jewish children were accepted to be transported to Italy. The Partisan authorities, aware of the British reserves against Jewish refugees because of their (supposed) intention to continue to Palestine, decided to enforce their institutions of social welfare, their homes for war orphans and war victims, their hospitals and ambulances and to care for people at home - last but not least as a welcomed opportunity to enforce their popularity. It must be taken into account that as a result of such quarrels between Partizans and their new "friends", Great Britain, the Jews in the Dalmatian towns, as well as those who had remained in Rab, and the others, Polish Jews and non-Jewish Polish refugees were lastly delivered to their prosecutors. In October 1943 the Jews of Split and Dubrovnik were taken to the Concentration camp in Zemun, where some of them were killed on the spot, and others sent to the Auschwitz death camp to perish there. In March 1944 Jewish women and children from Dalmatia were sent to Jasenovac and killed there. In Italy, the refugees from Croatia, inclusively some 200 hundred Jews, witnessed the difficult conditions of everyday life in the Italian refugee camps: impossible living conditions, insufficient clothing, inadequate nutrition and scarce medical care nature. Various diseases did not spare the members of the camps, especially children. Despite these troubles, the refugees themselves tried hard to fulfil it with all sorts of activities in the social, labour, cultural and educational fields that made waiting for a return to their homeland quicker to pass - and they did not persist until the return was possible. The last group of camp members from Italy arrived in Dalmatia in March 1945. Refugee camps in Italy reflect the circumstances, the inmates faced with in the camps in Egypt.",
publisher = "Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder",
title = "Oslobođeni za ponovni progon. Židovski zatočenici logora Kampor (otok Rab) nakon evakuacije, Released for re-persecution. Jewish prisoners of the Kampor camp (Rab island) after evacuation",
pages = "1-104",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2500"
}

Grinfelder, A. M.. (2017). Oslobođeni za ponovni progon. Židovski zatočenici logora Kampor (otok Rab) nakon evakuacije. 
Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder., 1-104.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2500

Grinfelder AM. Oslobođeni za ponovni progon. Židovski zatočenici logora Kampor (otok Rab) nakon evakuacije. 2017;:1-104.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2500 .

Grinfelder, Ana Marija, "Oslobođeni za ponovni progon. Židovski zatočenici logora Kampor (otok Rab) nakon evakuacije" (2017):1-104,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2500 .

TY  - UNPB
AU  - Grinfelder, Ana Marija
PY  - 2016
UR  - https://www.jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/2499
AB  - „U čast žrtvama nacističkih i fašističkih režima“, autor akcizira i ekstrapolira, na osnovu diplomatskih i pravnih dokumenata (iz Hrvatskog državnog arhiva u Zagrebu i Rijeci, kao i iz Arhiva Republike Slovenije) angažovanje jugoslovenskih komunista da unište nasleđe nacista, kao i italijanskih fašista i njihovih satelitskih režima u Jugoslaviji. Biće to oštri diskontinuitet sa „Ancien Regime i njihovim zakonima nemorala i nehumanosti“. Međutim, odmah posle jeseni 1945. godine, jugoslovensko društvo, umorno od ratnih zločina, „krvi i suza“, suočilo se sa vizijama novog, sistematskog i sistemski, uništenja čovečnosti i morala. Dok su glavni akteri i protagonisti stravičnih ratnih zločina, počinjenih širom Evrope, uspeli da pobegnu i izađu sa bilo kakvom kaznom i odgovornošću, njihove žrtve su morale da snose posledice. Tipično za komunizam je bilo uništenje njihovog prava da povrate ne samo goli život, već i minimum materijalnog izdržavanja: gonjeni za vreme nacističke okupacije zbog rase, u novoj Jugoslaviji bili su - odlikovani i počašćeni kao partizani, priznavani kao žrtve - i diskriminisani kao „kapitalisti“ i „ klasni neprijatelji“. U stvari, našli su ih na istoj stepenici odgovornosti za sve zločine poput grupa koje su zajednički optužene za kolaboraciju, izdaju, zaveru i ratne zločine: jugoslovenska nemačka manjina. Dok su se predratne demokratske zemlje obavezale u borbu za kažnjavanje planera i izvršilaca nacističkih ratnih zločina, jugoslovenski komunisti, opijeni pobedom i osvetom, same žrtve su bile prinuđene da vode neverovatne i mukotrpne bitke sa pravnim režimom koji je odbijao da prizna njihove tragedije - osim ako vlasti nisu bile potpuno obaveštene i imale svaku priliku da saznaju o jedinstvenoj životnoj sudbini. Ove bitke za njihovo zakonsko nasleđe morale su se nastaviti i posle jeseni 1990. godine, u formalno demokratskim državama. Jedno od svedočenja je gorko zaključilo: Čini se da su zakoni stvoreni kako da se izbegne restitucija, više nego da se dokaže satisfakcija preživelim žrtvama. Dakle, mora se konstatovati da je Holokaust do danas negiran - u Sloveniji i u Hrvatskoj.
AB  - „In honor of the victims of Nazi and Fascist Regimes“, the author excise and extrapolate, on the basis of diplomatic and law documents (from the Croatian State Archive in Zagreb and Rijeka, as well as from the Archive of the Republic of Slovenia) the engagement of the Yugoslav communists to annihilate the legacy of the Nazis, as well as of the Italian fascists and their satellite regimes in Yugoslavia. It will be sharped discontinuity with the „Ancien Regime and their laws of immorality and inhumanity”. However, immediately after the Fall of 1945, the Yugoslav society, tired of war crimes, „blood and tears“, faced visions of a new, systematic, and systemic, annihilation of humanity and morality: While the main actors and protagonists of the horrendous war crimes, committed all over Europe, succeeded to escape and come out with any punishment and responsibility, their victims had to bear consequences. Typically communism was the annihilation of their rights to regain not merely naked life, but a minimum of material sustainment: Prosecuted during nazi-occupation for race, in the new Yugoslavia they were - decorated and honored as partizans, acknowledged as victims - and discriminated against as „capitalists“ and „class-enemies“. In fact, they found them at the same step of responsibility for all the crimes like groups collectively accused of collaboration, treason, plot, and war crimes: the Yugoslav German minority. While the prewar-democratic countries committed themselves to the fight for the punishment of the planners and executors of nazi war crimes, the Yugoslav communists, drunken by victory and revenge, the very victims were forced to lead improbable and painstaking battles with a legal regime that refused to recognize their tragedies - unless the authorities were completely informed and had every opportunity to learn about the unique life trajectory. These battles for their legal inheritance had to continue also after the Fall of 1990, in formally democratic states: One of the testimonies concluded bitterly: The laws seem to be created how to avoid restitution, more than to prove satisfaction to the surviving victims. So it must be stated that Holocaust has been denied until today - in Slovenia as well as in Croatia.
PB  - Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder
T1  - „Iz poštovanja prema žrtvama…“ Titova Jugoslavija i Holokaust
T1  - "Out of respect for the victims..." Tito's Yugoslavia and the Holocaust
SP  - 1
EP  - 72
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2499
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Grinfelder, Ana Marija",
year = "2016",
abstract = "„U čast žrtvama nacističkih i fašističkih režima“, autor akcizira i ekstrapolira, na osnovu diplomatskih i pravnih dokumenata (iz Hrvatskog državnog arhiva u Zagrebu i Rijeci, kao i iz Arhiva Republike Slovenije) angažovanje jugoslovenskih komunista da unište nasleđe nacista, kao i italijanskih fašista i njihovih satelitskih režima u Jugoslaviji. Biće to oštri diskontinuitet sa „Ancien Regime i njihovim zakonima nemorala i nehumanosti“. Međutim, odmah posle jeseni 1945. godine, jugoslovensko društvo, umorno od ratnih zločina, „krvi i suza“, suočilo se sa vizijama novog, sistematskog i sistemski, uništenja čovečnosti i morala. Dok su glavni akteri i protagonisti stravičnih ratnih zločina, počinjenih širom Evrope, uspeli da pobegnu i izađu sa bilo kakvom kaznom i odgovornošću, njihove žrtve su morale da snose posledice. Tipično za komunizam je bilo uništenje njihovog prava da povrate ne samo goli život, već i minimum materijalnog izdržavanja: gonjeni za vreme nacističke okupacije zbog rase, u novoj Jugoslaviji bili su - odlikovani i počašćeni kao partizani, priznavani kao žrtve - i diskriminisani kao „kapitalisti“ i „ klasni neprijatelji“. U stvari, našli su ih na istoj stepenici odgovornosti za sve zločine poput grupa koje su zajednički optužene za kolaboraciju, izdaju, zaveru i ratne zločine: jugoslovenska nemačka manjina. Dok su se predratne demokratske zemlje obavezale u borbu za kažnjavanje planera i izvršilaca nacističkih ratnih zločina, jugoslovenski komunisti, opijeni pobedom i osvetom, same žrtve su bile prinuđene da vode neverovatne i mukotrpne bitke sa pravnim režimom koji je odbijao da prizna njihove tragedije - osim ako vlasti nisu bile potpuno obaveštene i imale svaku priliku da saznaju o jedinstvenoj životnoj sudbini. Ove bitke za njihovo zakonsko nasleđe morale su se nastaviti i posle jeseni 1990. godine, u formalno demokratskim državama. Jedno od svedočenja je gorko zaključilo: Čini se da su zakoni stvoreni kako da se izbegne restitucija, više nego da se dokaže satisfakcija preživelim žrtvama. Dakle, mora se konstatovati da je Holokaust do danas negiran - u Sloveniji i u Hrvatskoj., „In honor of the victims of Nazi and Fascist Regimes“, the author excise and extrapolate, on the basis of diplomatic and law documents (from the Croatian State Archive in Zagreb and Rijeka, as well as from the Archive of the Republic of Slovenia) the engagement of the Yugoslav communists to annihilate the legacy of the Nazis, as well as of the Italian fascists and their satellite regimes in Yugoslavia. It will be sharped discontinuity with the „Ancien Regime and their laws of immorality and inhumanity”. However, immediately after the Fall of 1945, the Yugoslav society, tired of war crimes, „blood and tears“, faced visions of a new, systematic, and systemic, annihilation of humanity and morality: While the main actors and protagonists of the horrendous war crimes, committed all over Europe, succeeded to escape and come out with any punishment and responsibility, their victims had to bear consequences. Typically communism was the annihilation of their rights to regain not merely naked life, but a minimum of material sustainment: Prosecuted during nazi-occupation for race, in the new Yugoslavia they were - decorated and honored as partizans, acknowledged as victims - and discriminated against as „capitalists“ and „class-enemies“. In fact, they found them at the same step of responsibility for all the crimes like groups collectively accused of collaboration, treason, plot, and war crimes: the Yugoslav German minority. While the prewar-democratic countries committed themselves to the fight for the punishment of the planners and executors of nazi war crimes, the Yugoslav communists, drunken by victory and revenge, the very victims were forced to lead improbable and painstaking battles with a legal regime that refused to recognize their tragedies - unless the authorities were completely informed and had every opportunity to learn about the unique life trajectory. These battles for their legal inheritance had to continue also after the Fall of 1990, in formally democratic states: One of the testimonies concluded bitterly: The laws seem to be created how to avoid restitution, more than to prove satisfaction to the surviving victims. So it must be stated that Holocaust has been denied until today - in Slovenia as well as in Croatia.",
publisher = "Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder",
title = "„Iz poštovanja prema žrtvama…“ Titova Jugoslavija i Holokaust, "Out of respect for the victims..." Tito's Yugoslavia and the Holocaust",
pages = "1-72",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2499"
}

Grinfelder, A. M.. (2016). „Iz poštovanja prema žrtvama…“ Titova Jugoslavija i Holokaust. 
Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder., 1-72.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2499

Grinfelder AM. „Iz poštovanja prema žrtvama…“ Titova Jugoslavija i Holokaust. 2016;:1-72.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2499 .

Grinfelder, Ana Marija, "„Iz poštovanja prema žrtvama…“ Titova Jugoslavija i Holokaust" (2016):1-72,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2499 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Grinfelder, Ana Marija
PY  - 2015
UR  - https://www.jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/220
AB  - U radu je predstavljena sudbina Židovki i Židova koji su od 1933., poglavito od 1938. godine, tražili utočište u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji. Fokus istraživanja je bio na Dravskoj i Savskoj banovini jer su dvije sjeverne jugoslavenske banovine već od 1933. bile izložene jakom pritisku imigranata sa austrijskih, mađarskih i talijanskih granica. Istraživanje je usmjereno na sudbine pojedinaca. Jedan od glavnih izvora su bile potjernice jugoslavenske policije za ilegalnim imigrantima. Slijedeći njihove tragove, bilo je moguće pojedine osobe pratiti i kroz arhivske fondove koji se odnose na period Drugog svjetskog rata u Jugoslaviji i ustanoviti uspješne bijegove ili njihovo odvođenje u logore i nasilnu smrt. U drugom dijelu rada dati su podaci gdje se, kada i na koji način gube tragovi, odnosno gdje su i kako nastradali pojedinci. Rad je zasnovan na istraživanjima fondova Arhiva Republike Slovenije, Biskupskog arhiva u Ljubljani, Hrvatskog državnog arhiva u Zagrebu, arhiva u Rijeci i Splitu. Korišćena su i sjećanja savremenika i periodika.
AB  - In this research, I looked at the destiny of Jewish men and women who, since 1933, and mostly in 1938, sought refuge in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The research is focused on the Drava and Sava districts - primarily for the reason that these two northern districts of former Yugoslavia were already as of 1933 under the strong pressure of immigrants from Austrian, Hungarian and Italian borders. Archive material from archives in Slovenia and Croatia substantiate this assumption (another reason for personal nature is that I do this research without any financial support and therefore I have to limit the scope to the archives accessible to me without lengthy travel and additional accommodation costs). The archives led me to paying attention to individual destinies. I came across personal names of Jewish refugees also in memoirs of the period, the few direct testimonies, since such sources are becoming more available only as of recently. The first source for me was the Yugoslav police, which published all-points bulletins for illegal migrants. Following such traces, I was in the position to track some individuals also through the archives for World War Two in Yugoslavia and I could identify successful escapes or their being taken to concentration camps and violent death. The second part of the work the "Old Jewish Refugees in Occupied Yugoslavia" offers a chronological review of deportations to death camps - I wanted to emphasize data on where, when and in which manner their traces disappear and where and how individuals perished. Regarding the camps in the Independent State of Croatia abundant literature exists abroad and all across the former Yugoslavia, but seldom do we see data on foreign Jews, and if we see them it is as a group, not as individuals. In this manner, I contributed to making more complete the databases of the Documentary Archives of the Austrian Resistance Movement (Documentary archive des österreichischen Widerstandes) and of the Yad Vashem Memorial Centre.
PB  - Beograd : Savez jevrejskih opština Jugoslavije [Federation of Jewish Communitues in Jugoslavia]
T2  - Zbornik 10 : Studije, arhivska i memoarska građa o Jevrejima Jugoslavije, Jevrejski istorijski muzej - Beograd = Jewish studies 10 : Studies, archival and memorial materials (about Yugoslav Jews), Jewish historical museum - Belgrade
T1  - Nepoželjni gosti. Židovske izbjeglice u Jugoslaviji (1938-1945)
T1  - Undesirable guests: Jewish refugees in Yugoslavia (1938-1945)
EP  - 362
IS  - 10
IS  - 303
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_220
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Grinfelder, Ana Marija",
year = "2015",
abstract = "U radu je predstavljena sudbina Židovki i Židova koji su od 1933., poglavito od 1938. godine, tražili utočište u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji. Fokus istraživanja je bio na Dravskoj i Savskoj banovini jer su dvije sjeverne jugoslavenske banovine već od 1933. bile izložene jakom pritisku imigranata sa austrijskih, mađarskih i talijanskih granica. Istraživanje je usmjereno na sudbine pojedinaca. Jedan od glavnih izvora su bile potjernice jugoslavenske policije za ilegalnim imigrantima. Slijedeći njihove tragove, bilo je moguće pojedine osobe pratiti i kroz arhivske fondove koji se odnose na period Drugog svjetskog rata u Jugoslaviji i ustanoviti uspješne bijegove ili njihovo odvođenje u logore i nasilnu smrt. U drugom dijelu rada dati su podaci gdje se, kada i na koji način gube tragovi, odnosno gdje su i kako nastradali pojedinci. Rad je zasnovan na istraživanjima fondova Arhiva Republike Slovenije, Biskupskog arhiva u Ljubljani, Hrvatskog državnog arhiva u Zagrebu, arhiva u Rijeci i Splitu. Korišćena su i sjećanja savremenika i periodika., In this research, I looked at the destiny of Jewish men and women who, since 1933, and mostly in 1938, sought refuge in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The research is focused on the Drava and Sava districts - primarily for the reason that these two northern districts of former Yugoslavia were already as of 1933 under the strong pressure of immigrants from Austrian, Hungarian and Italian borders. Archive material from archives in Slovenia and Croatia substantiate this assumption (another reason for personal nature is that I do this research without any financial support and therefore I have to limit the scope to the archives accessible to me without lengthy travel and additional accommodation costs). The archives led me to paying attention to individual destinies. I came across personal names of Jewish refugees also in memoirs of the period, the few direct testimonies, since such sources are becoming more available only as of recently. The first source for me was the Yugoslav police, which published all-points bulletins for illegal migrants. Following such traces, I was in the position to track some individuals also through the archives for World War Two in Yugoslavia and I could identify successful escapes or their being taken to concentration camps and violent death. The second part of the work the "Old Jewish Refugees in Occupied Yugoslavia" offers a chronological review of deportations to death camps - I wanted to emphasize data on where, when and in which manner their traces disappear and where and how individuals perished. Regarding the camps in the Independent State of Croatia abundant literature exists abroad and all across the former Yugoslavia, but seldom do we see data on foreign Jews, and if we see them it is as a group, not as individuals. In this manner, I contributed to making more complete the databases of the Documentary Archives of the Austrian Resistance Movement (Documentary archive des österreichischen Widerstandes) and of the Yad Vashem Memorial Centre.",
publisher = "Beograd : Savez jevrejskih opština Jugoslavije [Federation of Jewish Communitues in Jugoslavia]",
journal = "Zbornik 10 : Studije, arhivska i memoarska građa o Jevrejima Jugoslavije, Jevrejski istorijski muzej - Beograd = Jewish studies 10 : Studies, archival and memorial materials (about Yugoslav Jews), Jewish historical museum - Belgrade",
title = "Nepoželjni gosti. Židovske izbjeglice u Jugoslaviji (1938-1945), Undesirable guests: Jewish refugees in Yugoslavia (1938-1945)",
pages = "362",
number = "10, 303",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_220"
}

Grinfelder, A. M.. (2015). Nepoželjni gosti. Židovske izbjeglice u Jugoslaviji (1938-1945). in Zbornik 10 : Studije, arhivska i memoarska građa o Jevrejima Jugoslavije, Jevrejski istorijski muzej - Beograd = Jewish studies 10 : Studies, archival and memorial materials (about Yugoslav Jews), Jewish historical museum - Belgrade
Beograd : Savez jevrejskih opština Jugoslavije [Federation of Jewish Communitues in Jugoslavia].(10).
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_220

Grinfelder AM. Nepoželjni gosti. Židovske izbjeglice u Jugoslaviji (1938-1945). in Zbornik 10 : Studije, arhivska i memoarska građa o Jevrejima Jugoslavije, Jevrejski istorijski muzej - Beograd = Jewish studies 10 : Studies, archival and memorial materials (about Yugoslav Jews), Jewish historical museum - Belgrade. 2015;(10):null-362.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_220 .

Grinfelder, Ana Marija, "Nepoželjni gosti. Židovske izbjeglice u Jugoslaviji (1938-1945)" in Zbornik 10 : Studije, arhivska i memoarska građa o Jevrejima Jugoslavije, Jevrejski istorijski muzej - Beograd = Jewish studies 10 : Studies, archival and memorial materials (about Yugoslav Jews), Jewish historical museum - Belgrade, no. 10 (2015),
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_220 .

TY  - UNPB
AU  - Grinfelder, Ana Marija
PY  - 2015
UR  - https://www.jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/2498
AB  - „Lajtmotiv“ ovog istraživanja je pitanje kako se Jugoslavija nakon sloma nacizma ophodila s raseljenim osobama (Displaced persons, DP). U terminologiji Glavnog stožera savezničkih vojski u Europi., Jugoslavija je morala repatrirati preživjele zatočenike nacističkih koncentracijskih logora, prisilne radnike i radnice, osobe iz emigracije, te stanovništvo evakuirano u Sjevernu Afriku (El Shatta.) Iz Jugoslavije repatrijaciju u svoju domovinu zatražili su austrijski i njemački Židovi, bivši izbjeglice od nacizma, i oni koji su preživjeli ustaško-njemački progon u NDH. Glavni cilj repatrijacije bilo je domoći se počinitelja ratnih zločina, postići izručenje pripadnika Osovinskih vojski i izvesti ih pred jugoslavenski sud. Jugoslavija je zadatak repatrijacije, na koju se obvezala kao suosnivateljica OUN i potpisnica međunarodnih konvencija, smatrala sastavnim elementom prevladanja nacističko-fašističke prošlosti („Vergangenheitsbewaeltigung“). Zato nas zanima i odnos Jugoslavije prema ratnim zločincima neprijateljskih vojski, koji su se našli kao ratni zarobljenici u Jugoslaviji, i ophođenje s pripadnicima njemačke narodnosne skupine u Jugoslaviji, kolektivno okrivljene AVNOJ-skim odlukama. Proces repatrijacije Jugoslavija je koristila i za „odvajanje žita od kukolja“, za obračun s neprijateljima komunističkog poretka. Zaključila sam da se repatrirani Židovi u komunističkom sustavu više nisu reintegrirali kao Židovi. Ostali su, po svoj prilici, „displaced persons“. Oni koji se tom činjenicom nisu pomirli, iselili su se - pretežito u Izrael.
AB  - At the end of World War II, millions of Displaced Persons in Germany and all over the territories occupied by the Nazis, among them some 60 Thousand Jews, survivors of the Holocaust, were traced for their lost homes and missed members of their families. „Displaced persons“ (the terminus technicus of the Allied Forces' Headquarter in Europe), their repatriation and reintegration, with particular regard to Yugoslavia, are the „Leitmotiv“ of this research: Yugoslav had to repatriate „Displaced Persons“ from abroad: Yugoslav inmates of the nazi-concentration camps and camps for forced laborers, Dalmatinias evacuated 1943. to refugee camps of the Allied troops in Northern Africa, and Jewish emigrants. At the same time, survivors of the ustasha-concentration camps, victims of German deportations, demanded repatriation to their former home countries. Repatriation and reintegration of „displaced persons“ into their prewar surroundings can be considered as a substantial element of coming to terms with the past (Vergangenheitsbewaeltigung). Therefore, one has also to ask in which manner Yugoslavia treated the representatives of the past (to have prevailed), the prisoners of war, soldiers of the Axis troops in Yugoslavia, as well as the German and Austrian minority in former Yugoslavia, collectively accused by the AVNOJ of „collaboration“. To a large extent, repatriation executed by the Yugoslav-communist authorities resulted in a cruel „differentiation“between „those who are with us (and for us) and opposers, „negative elements“, „enemies of the people“, „enemy of the state“. It was the State to decide who could return to his/her home country, whose return was desirable, and who should not, under no circumstances, be reintegrated The refugee camps founded all over former Yugoslavia, with their military discipline, provided a dense net of police-control of the repatriates. Yugoslav Jews, survivors of the nazi and Ustashi concentration camps, of deportation, humiliation, and atrocities, were nevertheless unregarded their traumata of survivors and submitted to the policy of „cleaning up“ Jewish partisans, Jewish emigrants were accepted and just supported by the authorities, recognized their merits, some of them benefited from their reputation of antifascists - but Jews were not acknowledged as Jews, not as a group with specific traumata. Reintegration of the Jews in the communist society was accepted, but merely partially possible - however, under the communist regime Jews, as well as integrated they might be, remained further on „Displaced persons“. Some of them decided to remain in Yugoslavia and to make the best of the situation - some others left the country, in which they did not expect prosperity and a future as Jews. The encumbrance of antagonisms between the victims and their surroundings, between special groups of victims with average civil survivors of the war resulted in merely „partially coming out with the past“. Yugoslavia's support to the post-war-Aliyah can hardly be overestimated: Jews from Eastern Europe, victims again, of new antisemitic aggression (mainly in Poland) benefited from liberal immigration in Yugoslavia (in spite of its communist regime). In fact, Yugoslavia had to balance between opposite foreign political interests, in order to protect its own (yet label) political position. Yugoslavia performed its humanitarian obligation the dimensions of which widely transcended the real facilities of a country heavily afflicted by the war, however - not without a very little doze of Macchiavellism: Transport with Jews from Eastern Europe with the destination „third countries“ were as rapidly as possible directed towards Italy, not less afflicted by the war than Yugoslavia). Post-war repatriation of Displaced persons, executed by the allied troops and military government all over Europe, has dealt as a catalysator of crucial importance: Repatriation or emigration to a foreign country with a new personal identity should be the individual decision of each displaced person. This principle of freedom from any pressure includes a new behavior of official authorities, consultation instead of investigation. International laws on asylum practice, immigration, and refugees made a huge step forward, towards a new culture of communication with war victims, Displaced persons, and refugees, to inspire the International Convention on Refugees (to be delivered in 1951), as well as national and international law. It was particularly the treatment of the war prisoners captured in Yugoslavia to confirm and support Yugoslav aspiration to be recognized by the Western Allies as a state and political system based on the rules of right.
PB  - Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder
T1  - Preživjeli Holokausta: displaced persons repatrijacija u bivšoj Jugoslaviji od 1945. godine
T1  - Holocaust survivors: displaced persons repatriation in the former Yugoslavia since 1945
SP  - 1
EP  - 109
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2498
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Grinfelder, Ana Marija",
year = "2015",
abstract = "„Lajtmotiv“ ovog istraživanja je pitanje kako se Jugoslavija nakon sloma nacizma ophodila s raseljenim osobama (Displaced persons, DP). U terminologiji Glavnog stožera savezničkih vojski u Europi., Jugoslavija je morala repatrirati preživjele zatočenike nacističkih koncentracijskih logora, prisilne radnike i radnice, osobe iz emigracije, te stanovništvo evakuirano u Sjevernu Afriku (El Shatta.) Iz Jugoslavije repatrijaciju u svoju domovinu zatražili su austrijski i njemački Židovi, bivši izbjeglice od nacizma, i oni koji su preživjeli ustaško-njemački progon u NDH. Glavni cilj repatrijacije bilo je domoći se počinitelja ratnih zločina, postići izručenje pripadnika Osovinskih vojski i izvesti ih pred jugoslavenski sud. Jugoslavija je zadatak repatrijacije, na koju se obvezala kao suosnivateljica OUN i potpisnica međunarodnih konvencija, smatrala sastavnim elementom prevladanja nacističko-fašističke prošlosti („Vergangenheitsbewaeltigung“). Zato nas zanima i odnos Jugoslavije prema ratnim zločincima neprijateljskih vojski, koji su se našli kao ratni zarobljenici u Jugoslaviji, i ophođenje s pripadnicima njemačke narodnosne skupine u Jugoslaviji, kolektivno okrivljene AVNOJ-skim odlukama. Proces repatrijacije Jugoslavija je koristila i za „odvajanje žita od kukolja“, za obračun s neprijateljima komunističkog poretka. Zaključila sam da se repatrirani Židovi u komunističkom sustavu više nisu reintegrirali kao Židovi. Ostali su, po svoj prilici, „displaced persons“. Oni koji se tom činjenicom nisu pomirli, iselili su se - pretežito u Izrael., At the end of World War II, millions of Displaced Persons in Germany and all over the territories occupied by the Nazis, among them some 60 Thousand Jews, survivors of the Holocaust, were traced for their lost homes and missed members of their families. „Displaced persons“ (the terminus technicus of the Allied Forces' Headquarter in Europe), their repatriation and reintegration, with particular regard to Yugoslavia, are the „Leitmotiv“ of this research: Yugoslav had to repatriate „Displaced Persons“ from abroad: Yugoslav inmates of the nazi-concentration camps and camps for forced laborers, Dalmatinias evacuated 1943. to refugee camps of the Allied troops in Northern Africa, and Jewish emigrants. At the same time, survivors of the ustasha-concentration camps, victims of German deportations, demanded repatriation to their former home countries. Repatriation and reintegration of „displaced persons“ into their prewar surroundings can be considered as a substantial element of coming to terms with the past (Vergangenheitsbewaeltigung). Therefore, one has also to ask in which manner Yugoslavia treated the representatives of the past (to have prevailed), the prisoners of war, soldiers of the Axis troops in Yugoslavia, as well as the German and Austrian minority in former Yugoslavia, collectively accused by the AVNOJ of „collaboration“. To a large extent, repatriation executed by the Yugoslav-communist authorities resulted in a cruel „differentiation“between „those who are with us (and for us) and opposers, „negative elements“, „enemies of the people“, „enemy of the state“. It was the State to decide who could return to his/her home country, whose return was desirable, and who should not, under no circumstances, be reintegrated The refugee camps founded all over former Yugoslavia, with their military discipline, provided a dense net of police-control of the repatriates. Yugoslav Jews, survivors of the nazi and Ustashi concentration camps, of deportation, humiliation, and atrocities, were nevertheless unregarded their traumata of survivors and submitted to the policy of „cleaning up“ Jewish partisans, Jewish emigrants were accepted and just supported by the authorities, recognized their merits, some of them benefited from their reputation of antifascists - but Jews were not acknowledged as Jews, not as a group with specific traumata. Reintegration of the Jews in the communist society was accepted, but merely partially possible - however, under the communist regime Jews, as well as integrated they might be, remained further on „Displaced persons“. Some of them decided to remain in Yugoslavia and to make the best of the situation - some others left the country, in which they did not expect prosperity and a future as Jews. The encumbrance of antagonisms between the victims and their surroundings, between special groups of victims with average civil survivors of the war resulted in merely „partially coming out with the past“. Yugoslavia's support to the post-war-Aliyah can hardly be overestimated: Jews from Eastern Europe, victims again, of new antisemitic aggression (mainly in Poland) benefited from liberal immigration in Yugoslavia (in spite of its communist regime). In fact, Yugoslavia had to balance between opposite foreign political interests, in order to protect its own (yet label) political position. Yugoslavia performed its humanitarian obligation the dimensions of which widely transcended the real facilities of a country heavily afflicted by the war, however - not without a very little doze of Macchiavellism: Transport with Jews from Eastern Europe with the destination „third countries“ were as rapidly as possible directed towards Italy, not less afflicted by the war than Yugoslavia). Post-war repatriation of Displaced persons, executed by the allied troops and military government all over Europe, has dealt as a catalysator of crucial importance: Repatriation or emigration to a foreign country with a new personal identity should be the individual decision of each displaced person. This principle of freedom from any pressure includes a new behavior of official authorities, consultation instead of investigation. International laws on asylum practice, immigration, and refugees made a huge step forward, towards a new culture of communication with war victims, Displaced persons, and refugees, to inspire the International Convention on Refugees (to be delivered in 1951), as well as national and international law. It was particularly the treatment of the war prisoners captured in Yugoslavia to confirm and support Yugoslav aspiration to be recognized by the Western Allies as a state and political system based on the rules of right.",
publisher = "Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder",
title = "Preživjeli Holokausta: displaced persons repatrijacija u bivšoj Jugoslaviji od 1945. godine, Holocaust survivors: displaced persons repatriation in the former Yugoslavia since 1945",
pages = "1-109",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2498"
}

Grinfelder, A. M.. (2015). Preživjeli Holokausta: displaced persons repatrijacija u bivšoj Jugoslaviji od 1945. godine. 
Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder., 1-109.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2498

Grinfelder AM. Preživjeli Holokausta: displaced persons repatrijacija u bivšoj Jugoslaviji od 1945. godine. 2015;:1-109.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2498 .

Grinfelder, Ana Marija, "Preživjeli Holokausta: displaced persons repatrijacija u bivšoj Jugoslaviji od 1945. godine" (2015):1-109,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2498 .

TY  - CHAP
AU  - Gruenfelder, Anna Maria
PY  - 2009
UR  - https://www.jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/1858
AB  - Teze Edith Stein o ženskom pitanju pokazuju dva suprotstavljena i načelno nespojiva pristupa: oprečno suprotstavljene teze pedagoginje o obrazovanju žena i "filozofkinje bitka" se međusobno isključuju, jer obrazovanje počiva na ideji o mogućnosti oblikovanja i mijenjanja "ženske naravi", dočim njezino insistiranje na "vječnom bitku" isključuje mogućnost promjena i razvitka. Edith Stein nije uočila tu nelogičnost. Edith Stein je ostala vjerna tradicionalnom i službenom učenju. Upravo zbog toga što je kao "čuvena katolička filozofkinja" ostala u okvirima crkvenog naučavanja, podržavala ga svojim tezama i svojim ugledom, stekla je čast oltara kao proročica i učiteljica Crkve
(kanonizirana 1988., proglašena sveticom 2000. i Učiteljicom Europe, zajedno s Velikom Terezijom Avilskom, svojom zaštitnicom i "majkom" karmelićanki). Papa Ivan Pavao II. u svojoj meditaciji O posebnom dostojanstvu i poslanstvu Žene Mulieris dignitatem’ crpio je iz Editinih misli, dokazavši time da je ona bila teološki plodonosna. Edith Stein je danas svetica, podignuta na čast oltara
11.5.1998. Papa Ivan Pavao II., njezin veliki štovatelj, koji se za svoje meditacije o Čovjeku nadahnjivao njezinim mislima, proglasio ju je "Istaknutom kćeri izraelskoga naroda", "Učiteljicom Crkve" i "Zaštitnicom Europe" zbog njezina "izvanrednog intelektualnog i duhovnog doprinosa europskoj kršćansko-intelektualnoj baštini".
PB  - Novi Sad : Futura publikacije
T2  - Rodna perspektiva u medureligijskom dijalogu u XXI veku
T1  - Edith Stein - svetica XX stoleća i kamen spoticanja između židovstva i katoličanstva
T1  - Edith Stein - a saint of the XX century and a stumbling block between Judaism and Catholicism
SP  - 223
EP  - 240
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_1858
ER  - 

@inbook{
author = "Gruenfelder, Anna Maria",
year = "2009",
abstract = "Teze Edith Stein o ženskom pitanju pokazuju dva suprotstavljena i načelno nespojiva pristupa: oprečno suprotstavljene teze pedagoginje o obrazovanju žena i "filozofkinje bitka" se međusobno isključuju, jer obrazovanje počiva na ideji o mogućnosti oblikovanja i mijenjanja "ženske naravi", dočim njezino insistiranje na "vječnom bitku" isključuje mogućnost promjena i razvitka. Edith Stein nije uočila tu nelogičnost. Edith Stein je ostala vjerna tradicionalnom i službenom učenju. Upravo zbog toga što je kao "čuvena katolička filozofkinja" ostala u okvirima crkvenog naučavanja, podržavala ga svojim tezama i svojim ugledom, stekla je čast oltara kao proročica i učiteljica Crkve
(kanonizirana 1988., proglašena sveticom 2000. i Učiteljicom Europe, zajedno s Velikom Terezijom Avilskom, svojom zaštitnicom i "majkom" karmelićanki). Papa Ivan Pavao II. u svojoj meditaciji O posebnom dostojanstvu i poslanstvu Žene Mulieris dignitatem’ crpio je iz Editinih misli, dokazavši time da je ona bila teološki plodonosna. Edith Stein je danas svetica, podignuta na čast oltara
11.5.1998. Papa Ivan Pavao II., njezin veliki štovatelj, koji se za svoje meditacije o Čovjeku nadahnjivao njezinim mislima, proglasio ju je "Istaknutom kćeri izraelskoga naroda", "Učiteljicom Crkve" i "Zaštitnicom Europe" zbog njezina "izvanrednog intelektualnog i duhovnog doprinosa europskoj kršćansko-intelektualnoj baštini".",
publisher = "Novi Sad : Futura publikacije",
journal = "Rodna perspektiva u medureligijskom dijalogu u XXI veku",
booktitle = "Edith Stein - svetica XX stoleća i kamen spoticanja između židovstva i katoličanstva, Edith Stein - a saint of the XX century and a stumbling block between Judaism and Catholicism",
pages = "223-240",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_1858"
}

Gruenfelder, A. M.. (2009). Edith Stein - svetica XX stoleća i kamen spoticanja između židovstva i katoličanstva. in Rodna perspektiva u medureligijskom dijalogu u XXI veku
Novi Sad : Futura publikacije., 223-240.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_1858

Gruenfelder AM. Edith Stein - svetica XX stoleća i kamen spoticanja između židovstva i katoličanstva. in Rodna perspektiva u medureligijskom dijalogu u XXI veku. 2009;:223-240.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_1858 .

Gruenfelder, Anna Maria, "Edith Stein - svetica XX stoleća i kamen spoticanja između židovstva i katoličanstva" in Rodna perspektiva u medureligijskom dijalogu u XXI veku (2009):223-240,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_1858 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Grinfelder, Ana Marija
PY  - 2009
UR  - https://www.jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/205
AB  - Autorica je istraživala robovski rad mađarskih Židova na izgradnji kompleksa strateških vojnih postrojenja za odbranu Juga i Istoka Njemačkog Rajha od prodora Crvene armije, lako su planovi Vermahta predvidjeli pravi suvremeni "limes" na granicama Velike Njemačke od Baltičkog mora do Jadrana za učvršćivanje i obranu osvojenog njemačkog "Lebensraum"-a (životnog prostora), projekt je zbog povlačenja njemačkih vojnika iz osvojenih prostora, zaživeo samo u južnom djelu Austrije i poznat je kao "Jugoistočni bedem". Za gradnju Njemački Rajh je iscijedio poslednje ljudske rezerve - a to su bili mađarski Židovi. Radi ostvarivanja tog projekta odgođeno je provođenje "Endloesung"-a. Odgođeno, ali ne i suspendirano. Pod mađarskim Židovima ovdje se podrazumjevaju i Židovi iz onih djelova Jugoslavije koje je okupirala Mađarska.
AB  - The focus of the author's interest is a special aspect of the „Holocaust": Force labor of approximately 72.00 Hungary Jews temporary spared from immediate extermination, in order to substitute the lack of German workers. My particular intention was to investigate the destiny of the Jews from the Yugoslav provinces under Hungary occupation. However, Hungarian historians did not differ in these provinces from Hungary as a whole. So it will demand special researches in Hungarian local archives and hope to find there written sources - or to come in contact with involved persons (which becomes much more unrealistic!), it is therefor my aim to present the issue "Jewish forced labor at the South-East Wall", a scarcely known chapter of the history of the Holocaust among historians in former Yugoslavia. It is necessary to point out, that this forced labor is something quite different from forced and slave labor of Jews in the concentration and extermination camps: in the villages, where Jews had to do earth-works for the fortifications, they worked together with the local population - and in their presence happened massacres of exhausted and enabled workers and cruel maltreatments. The inhabitants of the villages in Burgenland and Styria cannot say that they hadn't seen nor learned anything. Due to the fact, that important material and written sources had been destroyed by the SS and by inhabitants, my research lacks many key data. I hope, that I myself, but also younger researchers will be motivated by this essay to continue investigating and visiting hidden local archives and collections (which I am not able to do for personal and professional reasons!). At the one hand, Hungary as an ally of the Axis was obliged to support the Germans by sending workers and soldiers, at the other hand tried to escape direct rendering of the Hungarian Jews to Adolf Eichmann, the "specialist" for the "Endloesung" of the "Jewish question". Negotiations between Eichmann and the Hungarian authorities and the Jewish Counsellors, resulted in an agreement, that the 80.000 Hungarian Jews who had succeeded in surveying the pogroms of the Hungarian anti-Semites as well as raids of the SS, should be deported to the so-called "Reichsschutzstellung Suedwestwall" (a fortification system to be built up at the Hungarian-Austrian and the Slovak-Austrian border to prevent the Soviet Army from advancing to the Reich. The German military authorities planned a defense system beginning from the Baltic Sea through the White Carpathians down to Adriatic Coast. As the Red Army in summer 1944 reached the border of the German General government u Poland and Hungary in the South, the planners moved the intended defense-positions from the Hungarian-Soviet to the Hungarian-Austrian border. While from October until the end of 1944 the Red Army contracted the siege-ring around Budapest, in the Southwestern parts of Hungary and the Eastern Austria, from the Austrian-Slovak border in Engerau (Petrzane) all over the former Reichsgau Niederdonau (later: the province of Lower Austria/Niederoesterreich), the provinces of Burgenland and Styria started excavations and other kind of earth-works for the fortifications of the Austrian border, the so-called "Suedostwall" ("South-Eastern-Dam"). It was the utmostly reduced rest of the "German Limes", which reached from Engerau at the Danube river in the North to the village of Guessing/Koeszeg in the South. The "Suedostwall" absorbed approximately 20.000 Jewish workers, conscripted in Hungary and, beginning from November 1944, forced to march from the concentration camps around Budapest to the border village. Hegyeshalom has become since then a synonym for one of the cruel Death Marches of the Hungarian Jews. However, it is unknown how many of them were deported from the Yugoslav provinces which in April 1941 were occupied by Hungary. Some more waves of Hungarian 4.000 Jews came to the villages of Engerau and Strasshof - presumptively by an error of the Hungarian Railways, whose servants are supposed to have changed the transport papers and directed trains instead to Auschwitz to the Austrian border. Engerau was one of the northern building sites of the fortifications, and in Strasshof Jews were expected to support the civil forced laborers to reconstruct the militaries airport-runway. However, a greater number of these Jews had to move to various camps in Vienna and its surroundings for agriculture and foodstuffs-industry. In comparison with the Jews who had been deported to Burgenland and Styria and were forced to earth-moving works for anti-tank defense and in concrete factories, the Jews in Lower Austria had better luck - until to February and March 1945., when the Special Intervention Command (SEK) in Vienna decided to evacuate the Jews to the concentration camps. Jews from the Western Part of Lower Austria were deported to the ghetto of Theresienstadt: their destinies are unknown. As most of the Hungarian Jews before starting to the Death Marches were not any more registered, and due to the fact that the local population in Lower Austria did not show great competence with the Jews (although the hide and save more Jews the population elsewhere), we do not know names, so that it is hardly probable that we shall be able to identify Yugoslavian victims among the dead’s of the Ghetto in Theresienstadt in the registers which have been collected by researcher of the Institute for the History of the Austrian Jews in St. Poelten (Austria) Eleonore LAPPAINE. In some of the villages in Burgenland, where massacres had happened, graveyards bear the memory of the victims. Young people cultivate them with the aim, to pay the duty piety to the victims and to give a symbolic act of compensation for the injustices committed by their ancestress. Although the Hungarian Jews employed at the "Suedostwall", could temporarily escape from Holocaust, but not all of them succeeded to survey the decline of the Nazi-regime. For an undefined number of them, the immediately expected salvation by the allied troops meant the death sentence. Rapid movement, euphemistically called "evacuation", meant that the SS, preventing their salvation, forced them exhausted laborers to new forced marches, from their working-places to the concentration camps of Mauthausen, Gusen, Ebensee, and others.: Diseases and exhaustion as well as slaughtering by brutal SS-guards resulted u death of a huge number of them during the marches or immediately after arriving in the camps. For those victims, the „Suedostwall" in fact meant "Holocaust after Holocaust" or a "prolonged Holocaust".
In the district of Oberwart, in the villages of Rechnitz and Deutsch-Schuetzen (Burgenland) traces and terrestrial researches led to the rests of mass graves of Jewish victims. Local politicians and members of the Nazi-party have been supposed to be involved. Trials by Austrian justice resulted in acquittal owing to lack of evidence, but primarily as a consequence of the Austrian amnesty for war-crimes in 1957. The balance of the South-East-Wall, which were without any resistance overrun by the Soviet Army at the end of March 1945., is about 15,000 perished Jews. Neither Serbian nor Croatian historians have until yet mentioned the Jewish victims of the South-East-Wall. In Hungary, there exits a rich bibliography about this special chapter within the Jewish Holocaust, however mainly u Hungarian language. The language barrier has probably been the main obstacle for historians of former Yugoslavia, as well as for Austrians and Germans. On the other hand, Hungary historians have ignored that among the Hungarian Jews there might be a - until now the unregistered number of Yugoslavian Jews who became Hungarians when Hungary u April 1941. occupied Yugoslav territories. Surveilled of the Jewish Community in the Croatian Medjimurje and Baranja Districts are convinced that among their elder members there is not any former forced laborer who was at the South-East-Wall, because all of these forced labors had perished. Surveilling testimonies would be particularly helpful to describe how the work at the "Dam" proceeded", which were the building plans: Until now, it seems that there did not exist plans and the commanders of the labor-camps or the working-brigades decided at their own hand, where should be erected what. A "technical" description of the works, of the erected buildings and their purpose we can deduce merely from rests of walls It was, therefore, the aim of this research to enlighten the destiny of the Jews from the occupied territories and to find traces of their work, suffering, and death u one of the massacres or forced labor camps. Owing to the lack of sources and testimonies, the author is unable to respond to this challenge. She has, therefore, the researches focused on in-depth investigations of the circumstances of forced labor as well as of the massacres committed by local Nazis, in order to prove, that there happened a Holocaust after the Holocaust, between autumn 1944 and spring 1945. when most of the Jews from the German-occupied countries had been exterminated. This research should motivate historians, particularly those who are mighty of the Hungarian language, to continue with particular aspects of the Jews deported from the Croatian territories. Another reduction was necessary because of the disposal of sources and literature: As the author is not employed u a historian or scientific institution, but as the senior officer in diplomacy, she is not able to visit all archives which might prove necessary sources nor libraries abroad. Thus, it is this reason, why this investigation can give merely stimulation for further researches.
PB  - Beograd : Savez jevrejskih opština Jugoslavije [Federation of Jewish Communitues in Jugoslavia]
T2  - Zbornik 9 : Studije, arhivska i memoarska građa, Jevrejski istorijski muzej - Beograd = Jewish studies 9 : Studies, archival and memorial materials, Jewish historical museum - Belgrade
T1  - Mađarski - jugoslovenski (?) Židovi na prisilnom radu na "Jugoistočnom bedemu" ("Suedostwall")
T1  - Hungarian-Yougoslav (?) Jews - forced laborers at the "Suedostwall"
SP  - 127
EP  - 184
IS  - 3
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_205
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Grinfelder, Ana Marija",
year = "2009",
abstract = "Autorica je istraživala robovski rad mađarskih Židova na izgradnji kompleksa strateških vojnih postrojenja za odbranu Juga i Istoka Njemačkog Rajha od prodora Crvene armije, lako su planovi Vermahta predvidjeli pravi suvremeni "limes" na granicama Velike Njemačke od Baltičkog mora do Jadrana za učvršćivanje i obranu osvojenog njemačkog "Lebensraum"-a (životnog prostora), projekt je zbog povlačenja njemačkih vojnika iz osvojenih prostora, zaživeo samo u južnom djelu Austrije i poznat je kao "Jugoistočni bedem". Za gradnju Njemački Rajh je iscijedio poslednje ljudske rezerve - a to su bili mađarski Židovi. Radi ostvarivanja tog projekta odgođeno je provođenje "Endloesung"-a. Odgođeno, ali ne i suspendirano. Pod mađarskim Židovima ovdje se podrazumjevaju i Židovi iz onih djelova Jugoslavije koje je okupirala Mađarska., The focus of the author's interest is a special aspect of the „Holocaust": Force labor of approximately 72.00 Hungary Jews temporary spared from immediate extermination, in order to substitute the lack of German workers. My particular intention was to investigate the destiny of the Jews from the Yugoslav provinces under Hungary occupation. However, Hungarian historians did not differ in these provinces from Hungary as a whole. So it will demand special researches in Hungarian local archives and hope to find there written sources - or to come in contact with involved persons (which becomes much more unrealistic!), it is therefor my aim to present the issue "Jewish forced labor at the South-East Wall", a scarcely known chapter of the history of the Holocaust among historians in former Yugoslavia. It is necessary to point out, that this forced labor is something quite different from forced and slave labor of Jews in the concentration and extermination camps: in the villages, where Jews had to do earth-works for the fortifications, they worked together with the local population - and in their presence happened massacres of exhausted and enabled workers and cruel maltreatments. The inhabitants of the villages in Burgenland and Styria cannot say that they hadn't seen nor learned anything. Due to the fact, that important material and written sources had been destroyed by the SS and by inhabitants, my research lacks many key data. I hope, that I myself, but also younger researchers will be motivated by this essay to continue investigating and visiting hidden local archives and collections (which I am not able to do for personal and professional reasons!). At the one hand, Hungary as an ally of the Axis was obliged to support the Germans by sending workers and soldiers, at the other hand tried to escape direct rendering of the Hungarian Jews to Adolf Eichmann, the "specialist" for the "Endloesung" of the "Jewish question". Negotiations between Eichmann and the Hungarian authorities and the Jewish Counsellors, resulted in an agreement, that the 80.000 Hungarian Jews who had succeeded in surveying the pogroms of the Hungarian anti-Semites as well as raids of the SS, should be deported to the so-called "Reichsschutzstellung Suedwestwall" (a fortification system to be built up at the Hungarian-Austrian and the Slovak-Austrian border to prevent the Soviet Army from advancing to the Reich. The German military authorities planned a defense system beginning from the Baltic Sea through the White Carpathians down to Adriatic Coast. As the Red Army in summer 1944 reached the border of the German General government u Poland and Hungary in the South, the planners moved the intended defense-positions from the Hungarian-Soviet to the Hungarian-Austrian border. While from October until the end of 1944 the Red Army contracted the siege-ring around Budapest, in the Southwestern parts of Hungary and the Eastern Austria, from the Austrian-Slovak border in Engerau (Petrzane) all over the former Reichsgau Niederdonau (later: the province of Lower Austria/Niederoesterreich), the provinces of Burgenland and Styria started excavations and other kind of earth-works for the fortifications of the Austrian border, the so-called "Suedostwall" ("South-Eastern-Dam"). It was the utmostly reduced rest of the "German Limes", which reached from Engerau at the Danube river in the North to the village of Guessing/Koeszeg in the South. The "Suedostwall" absorbed approximately 20.000 Jewish workers, conscripted in Hungary and, beginning from November 1944, forced to march from the concentration camps around Budapest to the border village. Hegyeshalom has become since then a synonym for one of the cruel Death Marches of the Hungarian Jews. However, it is unknown how many of them were deported from the Yugoslav provinces which in April 1941 were occupied by Hungary. Some more waves of Hungarian 4.000 Jews came to the villages of Engerau and Strasshof - presumptively by an error of the Hungarian Railways, whose servants are supposed to have changed the transport papers and directed trains instead to Auschwitz to the Austrian border. Engerau was one of the northern building sites of the fortifications, and in Strasshof Jews were expected to support the civil forced laborers to reconstruct the militaries airport-runway. However, a greater number of these Jews had to move to various camps in Vienna and its surroundings for agriculture and foodstuffs-industry. In comparison with the Jews who had been deported to Burgenland and Styria and were forced to earth-moving works for anti-tank defense and in concrete factories, the Jews in Lower Austria had better luck - until to February and March 1945., when the Special Intervention Command (SEK) in Vienna decided to evacuate the Jews to the concentration camps. Jews from the Western Part of Lower Austria were deported to the ghetto of Theresienstadt: their destinies are unknown. As most of the Hungarian Jews before starting to the Death Marches were not any more registered, and due to the fact that the local population in Lower Austria did not show great competence with the Jews (although the hide and save more Jews the population elsewhere), we do not know names, so that it is hardly probable that we shall be able to identify Yugoslavian victims among the dead’s of the Ghetto in Theresienstadt in the registers which have been collected by researcher of the Institute for the History of the Austrian Jews in St. Poelten (Austria) Eleonore LAPPAINE. In some of the villages in Burgenland, where massacres had happened, graveyards bear the memory of the victims. Young people cultivate them with the aim, to pay the duty piety to the victims and to give a symbolic act of compensation for the injustices committed by their ancestress. Although the Hungarian Jews employed at the "Suedostwall", could temporarily escape from Holocaust, but not all of them succeeded to survey the decline of the Nazi-regime. For an undefined number of them, the immediately expected salvation by the allied troops meant the death sentence. Rapid movement, euphemistically called "evacuation", meant that the SS, preventing their salvation, forced them exhausted laborers to new forced marches, from their working-places to the concentration camps of Mauthausen, Gusen, Ebensee, and others.: Diseases and exhaustion as well as slaughtering by brutal SS-guards resulted u death of a huge number of them during the marches or immediately after arriving in the camps. For those victims, the „Suedostwall" in fact meant "Holocaust after Holocaust" or a "prolonged Holocaust".
In the district of Oberwart, in the villages of Rechnitz and Deutsch-Schuetzen (Burgenland) traces and terrestrial researches led to the rests of mass graves of Jewish victims. Local politicians and members of the Nazi-party have been supposed to be involved. Trials by Austrian justice resulted in acquittal owing to lack of evidence, but primarily as a consequence of the Austrian amnesty for war-crimes in 1957. The balance of the South-East-Wall, which were without any resistance overrun by the Soviet Army at the end of March 1945., is about 15,000 perished Jews. Neither Serbian nor Croatian historians have until yet mentioned the Jewish victims of the South-East-Wall. In Hungary, there exits a rich bibliography about this special chapter within the Jewish Holocaust, however mainly u Hungarian language. The language barrier has probably been the main obstacle for historians of former Yugoslavia, as well as for Austrians and Germans. On the other hand, Hungary historians have ignored that among the Hungarian Jews there might be a - until now the unregistered number of Yugoslavian Jews who became Hungarians when Hungary u April 1941. occupied Yugoslav territories. Surveilled of the Jewish Community in the Croatian Medjimurje and Baranja Districts are convinced that among their elder members there is not any former forced laborer who was at the South-East-Wall, because all of these forced labors had perished. Surveilling testimonies would be particularly helpful to describe how the work at the "Dam" proceeded", which were the building plans: Until now, it seems that there did not exist plans and the commanders of the labor-camps or the working-brigades decided at their own hand, where should be erected what. A "technical" description of the works, of the erected buildings and their purpose we can deduce merely from rests of walls It was, therefore, the aim of this research to enlighten the destiny of the Jews from the occupied territories and to find traces of their work, suffering, and death u one of the massacres or forced labor camps. Owing to the lack of sources and testimonies, the author is unable to respond to this challenge. She has, therefore, the researches focused on in-depth investigations of the circumstances of forced labor as well as of the massacres committed by local Nazis, in order to prove, that there happened a Holocaust after the Holocaust, between autumn 1944 and spring 1945. when most of the Jews from the German-occupied countries had been exterminated. This research should motivate historians, particularly those who are mighty of the Hungarian language, to continue with particular aspects of the Jews deported from the Croatian territories. Another reduction was necessary because of the disposal of sources and literature: As the author is not employed u a historian or scientific institution, but as the senior officer in diplomacy, she is not able to visit all archives which might prove necessary sources nor libraries abroad. Thus, it is this reason, why this investigation can give merely stimulation for further researches.",
publisher = "Beograd : Savez jevrejskih opština Jugoslavije [Federation of Jewish Communitues in Jugoslavia]",
journal = "Zbornik 9 : Studije, arhivska i memoarska građa, Jevrejski istorijski muzej - Beograd = Jewish studies 9 : Studies, archival and memorial materials, Jewish historical museum - Belgrade",
title = "Mađarski - jugoslovenski (?) Židovi na prisilnom radu na "Jugoistočnom bedemu" ("Suedostwall"), Hungarian-Yougoslav (?) Jews - forced laborers at the "Suedostwall"",
pages = "127-184",
number = "3",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_205"
}

Grinfelder, A. M.. (2009). Mađarski - jugoslovenski (?) Židovi na prisilnom radu na "Jugoistočnom bedemu" ("Suedostwall"). in Zbornik 9 : Studije, arhivska i memoarska građa, Jevrejski istorijski muzej - Beograd = Jewish studies 9 : Studies, archival and memorial materials, Jewish historical museum - Belgrade
Beograd : Savez jevrejskih opština Jugoslavije [Federation of Jewish Communitues in Jugoslavia].(3), 127-184.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_205

Grinfelder AM. Mađarski - jugoslovenski (?) Židovi na prisilnom radu na "Jugoistočnom bedemu" ("Suedostwall"). in Zbornik 9 : Studije, arhivska i memoarska građa, Jevrejski istorijski muzej - Beograd = Jewish studies 9 : Studies, archival and memorial materials, Jewish historical museum - Belgrade. 2009;(3):127-184.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_205 .

Grinfelder, Ana Marija, "Mađarski - jugoslovenski (?) Židovi na prisilnom radu na "Jugoistočnom bedemu" ("Suedostwall")" in Zbornik 9 : Studije, arhivska i memoarska građa, Jevrejski istorijski muzej - Beograd = Jewish studies 9 : Studies, archival and memorial materials, Jewish historical museum - Belgrade, no. 3 (2009):127-184,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_205 .

TY  - JOUR
AU  - Grinfelder, Ana Marija
PY  - 2000
UR  - https://www.jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/665
AB  - Manes Sperber, rođen 27. januara 1905. u galicijskom gradiću ("Schtetel") Zablotovu, bježao je sa svojom obitelji 1916, kad se austrougarsko-ruski front opasno približavao njegovom rodnom mjestu. Ortodoksna židovska obitelj odlučila je potražiti utočište u samom glavnom gradu Monarhije, nadajući se zaštiti od pogroma Židova, zbog kojeg je carska Rusija bila na zlu glasu, a u dječakovoj je svijesti ostavio duboke tragove: sela u plamenu, jecanje žena i djece, siromaštvo i neimaština, bezakonje. Bio je književnik, romanopisac, esejist i kulturolog jedan od posljednjih mislilaca porijeklom iz židovske i austrougarske tradicije. Manes Sperber nije nikada krio to postanje, premda ga je prerastao postavši "evropskim misliocem". Manes Sperber se, naime, kretao u krugu zagrebačkih lijevo i komunistički opredjeljenih intelektualaca, prenoseći im individualnu psihologiju. U citiranim Krležinim sjećanjima, Sperber se spominje kao začetnik individualne psihologije Alfreda Adlera (Beč) u Zagrebu. Njegovi sugovomici i recipijenti su zagrebački liječnici, fizičari, književnici, partijski radnici, istaknuti komunistički aktivisti i simpatizeri KPJ. Manes Sperber bio je i ostao Židov, vjeran baštini što ju je naslijedio od svoje ortodoksne židovske obitelji: svijest da on potječe iz duboko "spiritualne kulture", iz svijeta "Svete knjige" i obaveze trajnog proučavanja, premišljanja i propitkivanja; što se crpi iz te knjige dužnost je da se živi pravedno i istinito. Ponukan jačanjem antisemitizma ne samo u Beču nego diljem Evrope, Manes Sperber postaje cionist. Tom je opredjeljenju ostao vjeran, unatoč mnogobrojnim lomovima i kolebanjima, ali i unatoč pokušajima da se definitivno razračuna sa svojim židovskim nasljeđem.
AB  - Manes Sperber, born on January 27, 1905, in the Galician small town ("Schtetel") Zablotov, was fleeing with his family in 1916 when the Austro-Hungarian-Russian front was dangerously approaching his hometown. An Orthodox Jewish family has decided to seek refuge in the capital of the Monarchy, hoping to protect themselves from the pogroms of Jews due to which imperial Russia was notorious; it left profound traces in the boy's consciousness: villages in flames, sobbing women and children, poverty and lawlessness. He was a writer, novelist, essayist and cultural scientist, one of the last thinkers of Jewish and Austro-Hungarian tradition. Manes Sperber never hid his becoming, though he grew to get a "European thinker". Manes Sperber, in fact, moved in the circle of the left-wing and communist-minded intellectuals in Zagreb, conveying individual psychology to them. In Krleža's memoirs quoted, Sperber is mentioned as the founder of the individual psychology of Alfred Adler (Vienna) in Zagreb. His fellow compatriots and recipients are Zagreb physicians, physicists, writers, party workers, prominent communist activists, and communist sympathizers. Manes Sperber was and stayed a Jew, true to the heritage that he succeeds from his orthodox Jewish family: an awareness that he originates from a deeply "spiritual culture", from a "Holy Book" world, and an obligation to study, reflect and question continually; what is drawn from that book is the duty to live righteously and truthfully. Driven by the rise of anti-Semitism not only in Vienna but across Europe, Manes Sperber becomes a Zionist. He remained true to this commitment, despite his many breaks and hesitations, and despite his attempts to definitely reckon with his Jewish heritage.
PB  - Beograd : Savez jevrejskih opština Jugoslavije [Federation of Jewish Communitues in Jugoslavia]
T2  - Jevrejski almanah 1971/96 [Jewish Almanac]
T1  - Manes Sperber i zagrebački ljevičarski intelektualci
T1  - Manes Sperber and the leftist intellectuals of Zagreb
SP  - 166
EP  - 172
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_665
ER  - 

@article{
author = "Grinfelder, Ana Marija",
year = "2000",
abstract = "Manes Sperber, rođen 27. januara 1905. u galicijskom gradiću ("Schtetel") Zablotovu, bježao je sa svojom obitelji 1916, kad se austrougarsko-ruski front opasno približavao njegovom rodnom mjestu. Ortodoksna židovska obitelj odlučila je potražiti utočište u samom glavnom gradu Monarhije, nadajući se zaštiti od pogroma Židova, zbog kojeg je carska Rusija bila na zlu glasu, a u dječakovoj je svijesti ostavio duboke tragove: sela u plamenu, jecanje žena i djece, siromaštvo i neimaština, bezakonje. Bio je književnik, romanopisac, esejist i kulturolog jedan od posljednjih mislilaca porijeklom iz židovske i austrougarske tradicije. Manes Sperber nije nikada krio to postanje, premda ga je prerastao postavši "evropskim misliocem". Manes Sperber se, naime, kretao u krugu zagrebačkih lijevo i komunistički opredjeljenih intelektualaca, prenoseći im individualnu psihologiju. U citiranim Krležinim sjećanjima, Sperber se spominje kao začetnik individualne psihologije Alfreda Adlera (Beč) u Zagrebu. Njegovi sugovomici i recipijenti su zagrebački liječnici, fizičari, književnici, partijski radnici, istaknuti komunistički aktivisti i simpatizeri KPJ. Manes Sperber bio je i ostao Židov, vjeran baštini što ju je naslijedio od svoje ortodoksne židovske obitelji: svijest da on potječe iz duboko "spiritualne kulture", iz svijeta "Svete knjige" i obaveze trajnog proučavanja, premišljanja i propitkivanja; što se crpi iz te knjige dužnost je da se živi pravedno i istinito. Ponukan jačanjem antisemitizma ne samo u Beču nego diljem Evrope, Manes Sperber postaje cionist. Tom je opredjeljenju ostao vjeran, unatoč mnogobrojnim lomovima i kolebanjima, ali i unatoč pokušajima da se definitivno razračuna sa svojim židovskim nasljeđem., Manes Sperber, born on January 27, 1905, in the Galician small town ("Schtetel") Zablotov, was fleeing with his family in 1916 when the Austro-Hungarian-Russian front was dangerously approaching his hometown. An Orthodox Jewish family has decided to seek refuge in the capital of the Monarchy, hoping to protect themselves from the pogroms of Jews due to which imperial Russia was notorious; it left profound traces in the boy's consciousness: villages in flames, sobbing women and children, poverty and lawlessness. He was a writer, novelist, essayist and cultural scientist, one of the last thinkers of Jewish and Austro-Hungarian tradition. Manes Sperber never hid his becoming, though he grew to get a "European thinker". Manes Sperber, in fact, moved in the circle of the left-wing and communist-minded intellectuals in Zagreb, conveying individual psychology to them. In Krleža's memoirs quoted, Sperber is mentioned as the founder of the individual psychology of Alfred Adler (Vienna) in Zagreb. His fellow compatriots and recipients are Zagreb physicians, physicists, writers, party workers, prominent communist activists, and communist sympathizers. Manes Sperber was and stayed a Jew, true to the heritage that he succeeds from his orthodox Jewish family: an awareness that he originates from a deeply "spiritual culture", from a "Holy Book" world, and an obligation to study, reflect and question continually; what is drawn from that book is the duty to live righteously and truthfully. Driven by the rise of anti-Semitism not only in Vienna but across Europe, Manes Sperber becomes a Zionist. He remained true to this commitment, despite his many breaks and hesitations, and despite his attempts to definitely reckon with his Jewish heritage.",
publisher = "Beograd : Savez jevrejskih opština Jugoslavije [Federation of Jewish Communitues in Jugoslavia]",
journal = "Jevrejski almanah 1971/96 [Jewish Almanac]",
title = "Manes Sperber i zagrebački ljevičarski intelektualci, Manes Sperber and the leftist intellectuals of Zagreb",
pages = "166-172",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_665"
}

Grinfelder, A. M.. (2000). Manes Sperber i zagrebački ljevičarski intelektualci. in Jevrejski almanah 1971/96 [Jewish Almanac]
Beograd : Savez jevrejskih opština Jugoslavije [Federation of Jewish Communitues in Jugoslavia]., 166-172.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_665

Grinfelder AM. Manes Sperber i zagrebački ljevičarski intelektualci. in Jevrejski almanah 1971/96 [Jewish Almanac]. 2000;:166-172.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_665 .

Grinfelder, Ana Marija, "Manes Sperber i zagrebački ljevičarski intelektualci" in Jevrejski almanah 1971/96 [Jewish Almanac] (2000):166-172,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_665 .

TY  - UNPB
AU  - Grinfelder, Ana Marija
PY  - 1990
UR  - https://www.jevrejskadigitalnabiblioteka.rs/handle/123456789/2497
AB  - Filozofsko razmišljanje Ženevskog ordinarija za sistematsku filozofiju stoji u tradiciji transcendentalnog mišljenja Imanuela Kanta, kako ga prenosi i tumači Karl Jaspers. Žana Herš, ćerka poljskih Jevreja, koja je bila pre svega Švajcarka i socijalista, nikada nije shvatala svoj judaizam kao nezaobilazni „miraz“, već kao postulat. Ono što za nju znači judaizam neraskidivo je povezano sa njenom filozofijom. Hrišćanski, jezuitski i egzistencijalni filozof Gaston Fesard za to joj je ponudio klasičnu formulaciju: „Jevrejin“ kao garant i čuvar transcendencije, koji kroz svoju provokativnu neobičnost i njegovo „drugačije“ podseća ljude da se ljudsko biće ne može svesti na imanentnost, već se zasniva na transcendenciji u „bezgraničnoj otvorenosti”. Činjenica da čovek nije podložan važećem sistemu uzroka i posledice nameće mu transcendenciju i kao nepromenljivi „osnovni uslov“ i kao obavezu da se ostvari i tako postane pravi čovek. U meri u kojoj se to dešava u istoriji, inkarnacija je neraskidivo povezana sa kreativnošću, dostignućem, zajednicom. Razmišljanje u takvim kategorijama mora biti iritantno. Zapravo, Žanu Herš svrstavaju u kategoriju pravnih mislilaca zapadne (posebno francuske) inteligencije koji su koketirali sa komunizmom istočnog stila. Njen uticaj hrišćanske egzistencijalne filozofije doneo joj je optužbu za ravnodušnost prema judaizmu. Ona se samo branila onim što je više puta govorila na predavanjima, seminarima i na svojoj govornici o "biti čovek" i "ljudskom stanju", opominju i upozoravanju. Njen medij je reč, njena odgovornost prema njoj, posebno prema inflaciji pojmova kao što je „Bog“, čini je i čuvarom svoje tradicije, iako emotivno pokazuje čudnu prividnu distancu od nje. Ali možda je i to deo njenog odgovora kroz reč.
AB  - Das philosophische Denken der Genfer Ordinaria fiir systematische Philosophie steht in der Tradition des transzendentalen Denkens Immanuel Kants, wie er von Karl Jaspers vermittelt und interpretiert wurde. Jeanne Hersch, die Tochter polnischer Juden, ihrem Selbst- verstandnis nach vor allem Schweizerin und Sozialistin, hat ihr Judentum niemals als unabanderliche "Mitgift" verstanden, sondern es als Postulat aufgefasst. Was Judentum fur sie bedeutet, ist untrennbar mit ihrer Philosophie verbunden- die klassische For- mulierung hierfiir hat ihr ein Christ,Jesuit und christlicher Existenzphilosoph, Gaston Fessard,geboten: "der Jude" als Garant und Huter der Transzendenz, der durch seine provokative Fremdheit und sein Anderssein den Menschen daran mahnt, dass Menschsein sich nicht auf Immanenz reduzieren lasst, sondern in "grenzenloser Offenheit" auf Transzendenz angelegt ist. Die Tatsache,dass der Mensch nicht dem gultigen System von Ursache - Wirkung unterliegt, legt ihm Transzendenz sowohl als unabanderliche "Grundbefindlichkeit" wie auch als Verpflichtung zur Verwirklichung und damit zu wahrer Menschwerdung auf. Insoferne sich dies in der Geschichte vollzieht, ist Menschwerdung untrennbar verbunden mit Kreativitat, Leistung, Gemeinschaft: Denken in solchen Kategorien muss irritieren:; tatsachlich wird Jeanne Hersch in die Kategorie der von den westlichen (besonders franzosischen) Intellektuellen, die mit dem Kommunismus ostlicher Pragung kokettier(t)en, zu den Rechts- denkern gezahlt. Ihre BEeinflussung durch christliche Existenzphilosophie trug ihr den Vorwurf der Indifferenz gegenuber dem Judentum ein. Sie selbst verteidigt sich nur durch das, was sie in Vortragen,Seminaren,auf ihrem Katheder immer wieder zum "Menschsein" und zur "Condition humaine" mahnend und warnend sagt. Ihr Medium ist das Wort,ihre Verantwortung davor, besonders vor der Inflation von Begriffen wie "Gott" macht sie auch darin zur Huterin ihrer Tradition, obwohl sie emotional eine seltsam anmutende Distanz dazu an den Tag legt.Aber vielleicht gehort auch dies zur Verantwortung vor dem Wort.
PB  - Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder
T1  - Židovska misao "poslije". Jeanne Hersch: filozofija u službi čovjeka
T1  - Jewish thought "after". Jeanne Hersch: philosophy in the service of man
SP  - 1
EP  - 17
UR  - https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2497
ER  - 

@techreport{
author = "Grinfelder, Ana Marija",
year = "1990",
abstract = "Filozofsko razmišljanje Ženevskog ordinarija za sistematsku filozofiju stoji u tradiciji transcendentalnog mišljenja Imanuela Kanta, kako ga prenosi i tumači Karl Jaspers. Žana Herš, ćerka poljskih Jevreja, koja je bila pre svega Švajcarka i socijalista, nikada nije shvatala svoj judaizam kao nezaobilazni „miraz“, već kao postulat. Ono što za nju znači judaizam neraskidivo je povezano sa njenom filozofijom. Hrišćanski, jezuitski i egzistencijalni filozof Gaston Fesard za to joj je ponudio klasičnu formulaciju: „Jevrejin“ kao garant i čuvar transcendencije, koji kroz svoju provokativnu neobičnost i njegovo „drugačije“ podseća ljude da se ljudsko biće ne može svesti na imanentnost, već se zasniva na transcendenciji u „bezgraničnoj otvorenosti”. Činjenica da čovek nije podložan važećem sistemu uzroka i posledice nameće mu transcendenciju i kao nepromenljivi „osnovni uslov“ i kao obavezu da se ostvari i tako postane pravi čovek. U meri u kojoj se to dešava u istoriji, inkarnacija je neraskidivo povezana sa kreativnošću, dostignućem, zajednicom. Razmišljanje u takvim kategorijama mora biti iritantno. Zapravo, Žanu Herš svrstavaju u kategoriju pravnih mislilaca zapadne (posebno francuske) inteligencije koji su koketirali sa komunizmom istočnog stila. Njen uticaj hrišćanske egzistencijalne filozofije doneo joj je optužbu za ravnodušnost prema judaizmu. Ona se samo branila onim što je više puta govorila na predavanjima, seminarima i na svojoj govornici o "biti čovek" i "ljudskom stanju", opominju i upozoravanju. Njen medij je reč, njena odgovornost prema njoj, posebno prema inflaciji pojmova kao što je „Bog“, čini je i čuvarom svoje tradicije, iako emotivno pokazuje čudnu prividnu distancu od nje. Ali možda je i to deo njenog odgovora kroz reč., Das philosophische Denken der Genfer Ordinaria fiir systematische Philosophie steht in der Tradition des transzendentalen Denkens Immanuel Kants, wie er von Karl Jaspers vermittelt und interpretiert wurde. Jeanne Hersch, die Tochter polnischer Juden, ihrem Selbst- verstandnis nach vor allem Schweizerin und Sozialistin, hat ihr Judentum niemals als unabanderliche "Mitgift" verstanden, sondern es als Postulat aufgefasst. Was Judentum fur sie bedeutet, ist untrennbar mit ihrer Philosophie verbunden- die klassische For- mulierung hierfiir hat ihr ein Christ,Jesuit und christlicher Existenzphilosoph, Gaston Fessard,geboten: "der Jude" als Garant und Huter der Transzendenz, der durch seine provokative Fremdheit und sein Anderssein den Menschen daran mahnt, dass Menschsein sich nicht auf Immanenz reduzieren lasst, sondern in "grenzenloser Offenheit" auf Transzendenz angelegt ist. Die Tatsache,dass der Mensch nicht dem gultigen System von Ursache - Wirkung unterliegt, legt ihm Transzendenz sowohl als unabanderliche "Grundbefindlichkeit" wie auch als Verpflichtung zur Verwirklichung und damit zu wahrer Menschwerdung auf. Insoferne sich dies in der Geschichte vollzieht, ist Menschwerdung untrennbar verbunden mit Kreativitat, Leistung, Gemeinschaft: Denken in solchen Kategorien muss irritieren:; tatsachlich wird Jeanne Hersch in die Kategorie der von den westlichen (besonders franzosischen) Intellektuellen, die mit dem Kommunismus ostlicher Pragung kokettier(t)en, zu den Rechts- denkern gezahlt. Ihre BEeinflussung durch christliche Existenzphilosophie trug ihr den Vorwurf der Indifferenz gegenuber dem Judentum ein. Sie selbst verteidigt sich nur durch das, was sie in Vortragen,Seminaren,auf ihrem Katheder immer wieder zum "Menschsein" und zur "Condition humaine" mahnend und warnend sagt. Ihr Medium ist das Wort,ihre Verantwortung davor, besonders vor der Inflation von Begriffen wie "Gott" macht sie auch darin zur Huterin ihrer Tradition, obwohl sie emotional eine seltsam anmutende Distanz dazu an den Tag legt.Aber vielleicht gehort auch dies zur Verantwortung vor dem Wort.",
publisher = "Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder",
title = "Židovska misao "poslije". Jeanne Hersch: filozofija u službi čovjeka, Jewish thought "after". Jeanne Hersch: philosophy in the service of man",
pages = "1-17",
url = "https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2497"
}

Grinfelder, A. M.. (1990). Židovska misao "poslije". Jeanne Hersch: filozofija u službi čovjeka. 
Zagreb : Anna Maria Grünfelder., 1-17.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2497

Grinfelder AM. Židovska misao "poslije". Jeanne Hersch: filozofija u službi čovjeka. 1990;:1-17.
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2497 .

Grinfelder, Ana Marija, "Židovska misao "poslije". Jeanne Hersch: filozofija u službi čovjeka" (1990):1-17,
https://hdl.handle.net/21.15107/rcub_jdb_2497 .